9vVC94,400 194, v ti AURA JO ALISHSAIN TS Jokes jy ERcitai) . LN "ἂν Ls 3 —3 p ζω ἌΡΝΘΡΗΟΝ,. * solea. ΠΤ τὶ ΤῊ THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. EDITED BY 1 T. E. PAGE, c.H., LITT.D. E. CAPPS, ru.» LL... W. H. D. ROUSE, rrrT.D. L. A. POST, μ.«. E. H. WARMINGTON, μα. XENOPHON SCRIPTA MINORA E "Ee 223 E 5 | mil indc dl ANE CR. ἦν Juecgp Ν i pe Ὁ, XENOPHON SCRIPTA MINORA WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY E. C MARCHANT SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD -- LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMXLVI GT WWAWMHIH MALIIPR 2 FPPSEJQHOASRRM IFGOHNHÉNN AD sw] ΕΗ YTIEXXVIWJ GHAVHAH D i — CONTENTS PAGE BEEN 9, nh — 1-293 - 232925 x δ᾽ V5 ΝΟ ΕΣ ΣΕ REIR ας τ IAS NOS 1 νον, ial Pa ga RO AGENEAURB duo), vo RACERIR S. S. DO CONSBITUTION OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS , . . . . 135 F". Η NIS EGEDOENEZAWA. LA ψ τὺ, Ν wj. . 191 ON THE CAVALRY COMMANDER . . «. «. ». « « «. . 288 ON THE ART OF HORSEMANBHIP . . . . . «τ. 295 ΠΥ τ . 0. τ M sumo eoo. 0D ——-.7—À INTRODUCTION * WzrL, Xenophon, I had been told that you are an Athenian; and that was all I knew about you : but now l praise you for your words and deeds, and 1 should wish as many as possible to be like you. That would be good for everybody."— Cheirisophus the: Lacedaemonian, in 4zabasis, i. i. 45. Various modern writers have challenged the ascription to Xenophon of every one of the works included in this volume, The ZA4gesiaus and. the Ways and Means have suffered much. from. the on- slaughts of the critics, the Agesilaus. on account of its style, the Jays and Means for its subject matter It must suffice here to say that no case has been made out against any one of them, with the excep- tion of the Hunting; and, even in that case, it is impossible to state with confidence that the main portion of the treatise was not written by Xenophon.! The rest may be accepted with confidence as the work of the man whose name they bear. Undoubtedly there is something unusual. about the miscellany, when regarded as the product of one. author. Most authors write only in one manner; and when we have read some of their works, we easily recognise their hand in the rest. With Xenophon it is not so; for there is an obvious difference of manner in different parts of the * Bee below, vr (p. xxxvi). vii INTRODUCTION Hellenica. Xenophon tried his hand at several kinds of prose literature—history, dialogue, the encomium, the technical treatise, the essay-—and he had his ideas, gleaned from his reading, of the . style appropriate to each kind. In the early part of the Hellenica we find him trying to write in the manner of Thucydides; in the rhetorical parts of the Agesilaus he clearly has the model of Gorgias before him. But of course for us it is not always possible to understand just why he regarded this or that manner as appropriate. "Thus in the historical portion of the Agesilaus, he repeats passages of the Hellenica almost but not quite exactly; here he changes, there adds a word or two; but no modern reader can appreciate his reason for these minute alterations. But even in a translation, how- ever inadequate, a reader must detect a difference in style between his rhetoric and his history. More interesting for us is the variety of subjects that Xenophon knows and can expound. Of course he is better at some things than at others; but even about matters of which he is not a master he can tell us a good deal that is worth knowing. He flounders in the high finance; but even at that he is far from being such a duffer as some moderns have declared him to be. His speculations on forms of government and the secrets of national greatness are not profound, but they come from a singularly lucid, well-ordered mind. Of the theory of war he is a master. About horses, riding, the organisation and command of cavalry. he knew everything that could be known in his day. His treatise on Horsemanship, especially, is in its way a masterpiece. Like Socrates himself, he is continually trying to viii INTRODUCTION make himself useful. Perhaps for us there is rather too much of the don about him: his books are too full of instruction, admonition and reproof; nor is it surprising that some think that he intended them to form a series of educational, manuals for the use of his sons. What is abundantly clear to anyone who reads all his works is that his real purpose was to do good to everybody; and, generous man that.he was, everybody meant to him the people of Athens—those by whom he had been driven into banishment. Exiles do not, as a rule, spend their time in heaping coals of fire on their fellow-countrymen. Happily his fellow-countrymen showed themselves not ungrateful; they annulled the decree of banishment, though too late to entice him back to Athens. He died at Corinth. In these lesser productions of a virtuous and versatile Athenian gentleman there is, even in our age, not a little that is worth reading, apart from the infor- mation about ancient Greek life and manners that we owe to them. Their brevity too is a merit; for owing to his pedantry, Xenophon in his longer works is apt to be tedious. In style Xenophon is simple and natural; he avails himself, indeed, of the resources of rhetoric, but he uses them moderately, and, except occasion- ally in the Agesilaus, he uses them soberly and sensibly. By the Atticists and the later Sophists he was taken as a model of simplicity. Few traces of these opuscula, with the exception of the Constitution of' the Lacedaemonians, occur in literature anterior to the Christian era; but the Atticist Demetrius of Magnesia, friend of Cicero's friend Atticus, included all of them in his list of INTRODUCTION Xenophon's works.! They are not cited by name by any extant Greek or Latin author earlier than Cicero, who refers in laudatory terms to the Agesilaus, and has made use of its design in his Pro Lege Mamilia. But echoes may be heard here and there by an attentive listener. "The Consütution quickly attained an importance disproportionate to its merit, Isocrates in his Panathenaicus makes some combative remarks that certainly apply, though not perhaps exclusively, to Xenophon's Constitution, ΑἸ] those who wrote on the Spartan institutions, including Aristotle, and especially the early Stoies, Zeno and his followers, used it as an authority. Nor was its influence exerted solely on the compilers of such works. Thinkers who speculated on the balanced or mixed form of Constitution also found it serviceable. . Plato, indeed, as we should expect, ignores it in his Laws ; but Aristotle in his Politics does not ; and Polybius, in his sixth book, is clearly indebted to it, From the Hiero lsocrates has borrowed the matter and even some of the language in his address O» the Peace (δ r1 f.), and this is interesting, because Xenophon in the same year returned the compliment by borrowing from this address of Isocrates in his J/ays and Means. We may safely hazard a guess that the Hiero was a favourite work with the Cynies, amongst whom the unhappiness of the despot was a common theme.? In the age of Polybius, the traveller Polemon of Ilium wrote a book with the curious title, Abou! the 1 Tt is inconeeivable that Demetrius, as the text of Diogenes Laertius says, challenged. the Constitution of the Lacedae- monians. Most of what follows, and. much more, may be found in R. Münscher's Xenophon in der griechisch-rómischen Literatur (Philologus, Sup. xiii. 1920). ? "The writer of [Diogenes] ep. 29, which is an onslaught on Dionysius I1., drew from a Cynic source. s. X NC Mer D-—Brm vt 0r dien itas om FELT INTRODUCTION Car in Xenophon (Agesilaus, c. viii. 7), in which he gave an account of Spartan customs that is not to be found in Xenophon's Constitution. Nepos used the Agesilaus in his life of the king. The αν» aud Means does not turn up once; but this is not surprising, since the brochure was written for a special occasion, and contains very little of general application. We may anticipate here by mentioning the adaptation of the passage (c. i. 2-8) on the nature of Attica by Aristides, the Sophist of the second cen- tury A.D., in his Panathenaicus? | About the earlier his- tory of the Cavalry Commander and the Horsemanship there is a strange cireumstance worthy of mention. Cato the Censor, as we know from Cicero, read, and highly esteemed Xenophon. The method of the opening of Cato's de Re Rustica has given rise to a suspicion that he had included these two treatises in his studies. Considering the age at which Cato began Greek, he must have found the Horsemanship * a tough proposition," if he really tackled it. The Horsemanship did not oust Simon's work on the same subject from its position as an authority ; but it is often impossible to be sure on which of the two treatises later writers draw.* Pollux came across a commen- tary on the Horsemanship ; we cannot tell whether it was written before the Christian era. Probably Theophrastus already culled something from the ! Athenaeus iv. p. 138 E. * [t is now said that he did not use it directly ; but I cannot believe this. 3 A. Brinkmann, AZhenisches Museum, lxvii, 1912, p. 135. Among the Xenophontine works cited by Aristides are the Agesilaus and the Hunting (Persson, p. 74). 4 Leo started this. 5 Oder in his 4aeedota Canfabrimiensia, credits to Simon all the repetitions of matter that is common to Simon and Xenophon. xi INTRODUCTION Hunting. t is not clear that Grattius, who wrote his poem between 30 n.c. and 8 4.p., owes anything tothe Hunting ; nor is it likely,since he did not goto Simon or to Xenophon for his treatment of the horse. Into the complicated history of Xenophon's shorter works in the Christian era we cannot enter. To speak generally, the Hiero and Agesilaus seem to have been most read by the Atticists and Sophists ; while the Romans, for the most part, neglected all of them.? But mention of one Greek author cannot be omitted, owing to the unique position that he occupies in the history of Xenophontine literature. Dio of Prusa (fl. 90 4.n.) not only, like Arrian, took Xenophon as his model of style, but his mind is saturated with Xenophon's thoughts and. words. There is much of the Hiero and Agesilaus in. Dio's discourses on kingship and despotism (I, II, ΠῚ, VI, LXII) There is also, I think, a clear echo of the Hunting in Dio III. 135-6. The Agesilaus is cited by Dionysius of Halicarnassus as the type of the encomium, ΤῸ Roman encomiasts it furnished a model, Its influence is felt in the design of Nepos Atticus, in the Agricola of Tacitus, in the Panegyric of the younger Pliny, and, according to Leo, in the balanced estimate of the Emperor Valentinian in Ammianus Marcellinus (fl. 370 4.p.), book xxx.? 1 περὶ φυτῶν αἰτιῶν vi. 19-20 compared with Zunting v. and viii. ? Only the Cyropaedia and Memorabilia of Xenophon's works gained a strong footing among the Romans. 8 1 am not myself conscious of this. Resemblanees are rather readily detected by keen investigators. Thus Rademacher says that Oppian used the Z/wn^ng in his Cynegetica, but I have waded through Oppian without detecting any reminiscence of it. ἡ xii - - INTRODUCTION Finally, we may refer to an amusing passage in the Apollonius of the Athemian Philostratus (age of Caracalla), which appears to be a *dig" at the Hunting, as the scholiast says it is. * They (Apol- lonius and his companion in India) came in," writes Philostratus, for a dragon hunt which I must tell about, for it is highly absurd that the devotees of hunting should have found so much to say about the hare, and how she is, or shall be, caught, and we should pass over the record of this noble and marvellous sport." ! I. Hiero * Government of unwilling subjects and not con- trolled by laws, but imposed by the will of the ruler, is despotism." — Memorabilia, 1v. vi. 12. * Despotic rule over unwilling subjects the gods give, I fancy, to those whom they judge worthy to live the life of Tantalus, of whom it is said that in hell he spends eternity, dreading a second death."— Oeconomacus, the end. The Hiero is an imaginary conversation between King Hiero, who ruled Syracuse from 478 to 467 s.c., and the poet Simonides of Ceos, one of the many famous strangers whom the hospitable despot enter- tained at his court. [Its purpose is twofold— first to show that a despot, ruling without regard to the interests of his subjects, is less happy than the private citizen ; and secondly, to show by what means a despot may succeed in winning the affection of his subjects, and, by so doing, may gain happiness for himself. This subject was a common topic of Apollonius III. 6, Phillimore's translation. xiii INTRODUCTION speculation among the Socratics!: it had been discussed by Socrates himself; and we are told that Plato during his first visit to the court of Syracuse had spoken his mind upon it to Dionysius the Elder. Had it been possible for Xenophon to bring Socrates and a great despot together, we might have found just such a conversation in the Memorabilia? Isocrates, in his oration addressed to Nicocles (374 n.c.), says that many doubt whether the life of men who live virtuously or the life of a despot is preferable, and in the letter which he wrote to the children of Jason, the *tagus " of Thessaly (359 or 358 z.c.), he declares that the private citizen is the happier.? Modern writers, anxious to discover the date at which the Hiero was written, have ransacked the records of the despots contemporary with Xenophon to find some special event or events that may have prompted him to compose it. Grote, for example, refers to an incident that occured at the Olympic Festival of 388 or 384 &.c. In one of those years the orator Lysias delivered his Olympic oration, in which he stirred up hatred of despots,* and incited the Greeks to unite in ridding Syracuse of Dionysius. The despot on that occasion was represented at the festival by a magnificent mission. The date of composition has therefore been placed at about 383 B.c. Another view is that Xenophon wrote his ! Dio of Prusa, in his third discourse, puts into the mouth of Socrates a discussion on the question of the happiness of the despot. 3 Just as Dio (VI) brings Diogenes and the Persian king together. 3 Cf. Aristotle, Polities, p. 1395 ^, and Stobaeus XLIX. 4 The tone of Antisthenes' Archelaus was similar (Dümmler, Akademika, p. 13). Χιν EDCURET πο δ νι TT YSEUMM INTRODUCTION dialogue as a warning to Dionysiusthe Younger soon after his accession to the throne of Syracuse in 367 B.c. A third opinion is that the career of Jason of Pherae, who was assassinated in 370 s.c., was specially in Xenophon's mind ; and a modification of this view is that our author had lately réad the letter of Isocrates already referred to, and that his dialogue, like Isocrates' epistle, is a warning to Jason's ehildren who now shared the power in Thessaly. This last opinion is supported by reference to the passage in which Hiero remarks that many despots have been destroyed by their own wives (iii. 8); for Jason's nephew, Alexander, joint * tagus '" of Thessaly, was murdered by his brothers- in-law at the instigation of his wife Thebé in 359 B.C. But it is surely unnecessary to suppose that Xenophon had any special purpose or event in mind when he wrote the Hiero. The thing is merely a *Socratic" dialogue on a theme that interested him. He thought of despots in general, as the Socratics supposed them to be; and-of course, like Plato in the ninth book of his Republic, when he writes of despotism he has an eye on the career of Dionysius L! ΑἹ} that can be said about the date of composition is that, to judge from the language and the rhetoric of the Hiero, it appears to have been written in the author's later years. There is no attempt at characterisation in the 1 There is à close resemblance between Aepublie, ix. p. 579 » and Hiero, c.i.1ll. Were the Hiro the later work it would be impossible to resist the impression that Xenophon had lately read the Republic. This may be so, since the Republic was written between 380 and 370 8.6. xv INTRODUCTION persons of the dialogue. ^ Hiero is not in the least the historical Hiero whom we know from the Odes of Pindar and Bacchylides. He is not the great warrior nor the enlightened ruler; and of course there is no indication of the true basis of his power and of his constitutional position. He is just a despot of the better type. As for Simonides, Xenophon, in drawing his favourite analogy from the Choruses, once faintly alludes to his craft (c. ix. 4) ; but he makes no attempt anywhere to represent the courtier poet; had he done so he must have made Simonides bring in the subject of verse pane- gyrics on princes at c. i. 14. "The remark of the poet at c. i. 22 is singularly inappropriate to a man who had a liking for good living. At c. viii. Xenophon discards the thin disguise, and Simonides stands clearly revealed as Xenophon himself. To some of the recommendations offered to rulers that he makes in these concluding chapters we have parallels in. the Cavalry Commander and the Ways and Means. The Hiero is a naive little work, not unattractive : in this case, as in that of the Banquet, it is unfortunate for our amiable author that Plato has written on the same subject with incomparably greater brilliancy. The gist of Xenophon's counsel to despots is that a despot should endeavour to rule like a good king. The same counsel is given by Isocrates in his Helen, which was written about 370 m.c. | No man, in Xenophon's opinion, is fit to rule who is not better than his subjects.? 1 Aristotle in the Po/itics (p. 1313 A) agrees. ? Cyropaedia, VII. i. 37. xvi INTRODUCTION II. Agesilaus * What is government, and what is a governor? "— Memorabilia, 1. i. 16. * Government of men with their consent and in accordance with the laws of the State is kingship."— Memorabilia, 1v. vi. 12. Agesilaus became one of the two joint kings of Sparta in 398 &.c. Though over forty at the time of his accession, he reigned for nearly forty years, and died on active service, probably in the winter of 861-60 s.c. His long career as a commander in the field began with his expedition to Asia Minor in 396 &.c. We do not know for certain when Xenophon joined Agesilaus in Asia, and it is im- possible to say with confidence whether or not he was an eye-witness of the campaign of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes, the satrap of Lydia, tn 395 s.c.? But he was certainly with Agesilaus in the following year, and returned with him from Asia to Greece. He fought under the king at the battle of Coronea in the summer of 394 s.c. against his fellow-citizens, and was banished in consequence. He spent some ! Xenophon calls him *''still young" at the time of his accession, no doubt having in mind the great age to which he lived in full activity, and using the pardonable exaggera- tion of an ''encomiast." Similarly Isocrates implies that Evagoras (who was really assassinated) died a happy death. ? Xenophon's account of the campaign is bore. different from that which may now be read in a fragment of another history. But even if Xenophon was in Greece in 395 5.c., he of course heard the faets from Agesilaus himself. Busolt has successfully defended the accuracy of his aecount. In one instance (c. i 33) X. tacitly corrects the account he had iven in the Hellenica (111. iv. 24). Atc. ii. 7 hedefends what 8 had said in HI. 1v. iii. 15. xvii INTRODUCTION time at Sparta, and thence removed to Scillus, near Olympia, to an estate that had been presented to him by the Lacedaemonians, doubtless at the suggestion of Agesilaus. Xenophon, always a hero-worshipper, and an admirer of the ideal Spartan character and the institutions of Lycurgus, saw in Agesilaus the embodiment of his conception of a good king. Doubtless, he, like Isocrates,! regarded the Spartan kingship as the best form of monarchy. Shortly after the death of his hero he produced this tribute to his memory. In spite of its rhetorical embellish- ments, there are signs of hasty composition in the Agesilaus. Haste probably accounts for the extensive borrowing from the Hellenica. Now why should Xenophon be in a hurry? From some pretty strong hints that all did not consider the king to be above adverse criticism, we may conclude that theye was adverse criticism ?; quite possibly something had been writen about Agesilaus that was not entirely complimentary. The Agesilaus in the main an encomium, is incidentally a defence. A few years before, Isocrates had produced his encomium on Evagoras, king of Salamis in Cyprus, who was assassinated in 374 s.c. Isocrates says that he is the first to * praise a man's virtues in prose." If he means to say that nobody had written a prose encomium of an historical personage before him, it is very doubtful whether his claim can be sustained.? But perhaps he means only that he was the first to combine an account of a man's actions with praise of his character, pointing out the significance of ! Isocrates, de Pace, $8 149-143. 3 6. i1. 215; iv. 85; ν. δ; vill. ἡ. 3 Wilamowitz in Zermes, xxxv. p. 533. Xv à Tam me^ n mme ng my Ryo τρῷς ERE π᾿ rn : . INTRODUCTION the actions as indicating the virtues of his hero.! That is just what he does in the. Evagoras. Now in the first portion of the 4gesilaus (c. i.-ii.), Xenophon has clearly taken the Evagoras for his model. The king's exploits, judiciously selected, are narrated in chronological order, passages from certain portions of the &Hellenica being repeated with trifling alterations of the language; and into the narrative are woven comments on the king's character, as it is illustrated by his deeds. Having finished with the king's actions, Xenophon gives an account of his virtues (c. iii—ix.). — This portion: of his work has no counterpart in. the Evagoras. But even here Xenophon's idea is not original. ^ The great virtues—piety, justice, self- control, courage, wisdom—-are treated elsewhere in the same order. In Plato's Banquet the poet Agathon praises the justice, self-control, courage and wisdom of Love, and Socrates remarks that the encomium reminds him of Gorgias. . Xenophon himself at the end of the Memorabilia writes of the piety, justice, self-control and wisdom of Socrates. The order of the categories no doubt goes back to Gorgias. To these great virtues Xenophon adds patriotism, and several minor excellences. He rounds off his en- comium with a formal epilogue (c. x.). To the epilogue is appended a summary (c. xi.) of the king's virtues, and here again the categories are arranged in the same order? The summary 1 So Usener. ? In Cyropaedia, viui. i. 293-33, Xenophon enumerates the ἀν justice and self-control of Cyrus. 3 "The indications of the order are fainter, but they can be discerned. But the disposition does not agree closely with that of the second part of the work. xix INTRODUCTION was a device introduced by the sophist Corax, and the use of it is alluded to as an established practice at the end of the Palamedes, an oration ascribed to Gorgias. The extant fragment of Gorgias! Funeral Oration appears to belong to a summary. There are examples of the summary also in Isocrates.! To the material of the eleventh chapter a passage of the Évagoras has contributed something.? What is peculiar in the structure of the Agesilaus is the separate treatment of the actions and the virtues of the hero. Xenophon has followed Isocrates in one section of his encomium and Gorgias in the other? The result is, of course, a want of unity in the design. The work, however, was much admired by Cicero and by Nepos ;* and the latter's sketch of Cicero's friend Atticus is evidently modelled on it. 5n III. Constitution of the Lacedaemonians. *Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian now—have you realised that he would not have made Sparta to differ from other cities in any respect, had he not established obedience to the laws most securely in her ? " — Memorabilia, 1v. iv. 15. * When will. Athenians show the Lacedaemonian reverence for age . . . when will they adopt the Lacedaemonian system of training . . . when will they reach that standard of obedience to their rulers 1 e.g. Antidosis, 88 197, 128, the character of Timotheus. * Evagoras, 88 43-46. The notion that the eleventh chapter of the Agesilaus is spurious is wrong. Compare the character sketches of Proxenus and Menon in Znabasis ΤΙ. 3 ΑἹ] the little tricks of rhetoric that have been adversely criticised by modern writers come in this second part. * Nepos, Agesilaus, c. i, XX ^ stam Cpu nie oon cmn rm Tc. παν INTRODUCTION ... or when will they attain that harmony? "— Memorabilia, m. v. 16. Xenophon's purpose in this work was to show that the. greatness and fame of the Lacedaemonians were due to *the laws of Lycurgus" | He had no intention of writing a treatise on the Lacedaemonian constitution; and though here and there he refers to details of that constitution as things familiar to his readers, it is only in the last chapter, about the position and privileges of the kings, that he even mentions the word * constitution." Eventhe remarks on the constitutional powers of the Ephors in c. viii. are merely illustrative. After the tenth chapter he gradually loses sight of his subject. For if the eleventh and the twelfth, on the excellence of the Spartan army, have a loose connexion with it, the thirteenth, on the powers of the kings, has none. The fourteenth is clearly an afterthought, an appendix; and the same is true of the fifteenth. The title,then, is inaccurate; nevertheless there can be no doubt that it was chosen by the author himself. The first ten chapters are homogeneous, and they have the appearance of a complete essay. For evidently when he started Xenophon did not intend to trace the ** power" of Sparta to the organisation of its army: he says clearly at the beginning that he attributes her power to her institutions or * principles" ; and one of these principles turns out to be (c. ix.) that a glorious death is preferable to a base life—which is a good enough reason, in an essay, to account for the power of the state on the military side. Possibly, after writing the first ten - chapters, Xenophon kept them by him, and added later on the appendices on the army and the functions xxi INTRODUCTION of the kings in war, on the violation of the *laws of Lycurgus," ! and on the constitutional position of the kings. The thesis of the: appendix on the army is not the thesis of the essay proper; for the thesis of this appendix is not that the Lacedaemonians owe their power and fame to their army, but that the Lacedaemonians are artists in warfare, and the rest of the Greeks, in comparison with them, are mere amateurs (c. xiii. 6). In the last chapter he sup- ports no thesis; he is merely stating certain facts about the kings, is, indeed, writing a fragment of a * Constitution." The fourteenth chapter is strange and bewildering, and many have maintained that it is spurious. [Ὁ is written in a spirit of disillusion, and it contradicts some of the statements made in earlier chapters. Internal evidence shows that it was written certainly before the battle of Leuctra (371 s.c.), and probably after 378 p.c. Observe, however, that Xenophon is not indicting the people: his wrath falls only on a small section of powerful Spartans, on the governors, * harmosts," whose conduct was a violation of the * ]aws of Lycurgus " and of the principles so strictly adhered to by his hero Agesilaus. But the change of tone is manifest. [Ὁ is tempt- ing to seek the cause of the change in the impression made on Xenophon's mind by.the scandalous seizure of the Theban citadel by the Spartan Phoebidas in 381 &c. Inthe Hellenica Xenophon denounces that ! Some hold that the first thirteen chapters describe what had been the state of affairs at Sparta in better times. Though such great authorities as E. Meyer and Kohler agree that all the fifteen chapters were written at the same time, T cannot believe that they are right. xxii merde m mmo MP STD RI INTRODUCTION crime as an outrage against heaven. Again, in 318 s.c., Sphodrias, a Spartan governor, was persuaded or bribed by the Thebans to make an attempt on the Peiraeus. The plan miscarried and Sphodrias was put on his: trialfor his gross act of treaohery ; but he was acquitted. There is probably a covert reference to Sphodrias in the second section of this fourteenth -chapter. | The part taken by King Agesilaus in the inquiries that followed both these trimes was highly discreditable, and . naturally Xenophon makes no allusion to it in his Agesilaus. As for the essay (c. i—-x.), one reads it with a feeling. of regret that the author, who during his sojourn at Sparta had such excellent opportunities for observation, did not undertake the task of writing an account of the Lacedaemonian constitution, Even what he tells us of the primitive institutions of the Spartans in support of his thesis comes to very little ; but the facts that he selects are sufficient for his purpose. He touches on the surprising marriage customs of the Lacedaemonians, but not with entire accuracy; and of course he disguises the extraordinary laxity of the relations between the sexes at Sparta. He gives no connected or detailed account of the class organisation of boys and youths. Thus in c. ix. 5 he refers incidentally to the «sides in a game of ball"; but does not trouble to explain that the term **ball-players" had a special meaning among the Spartans ;! the proper place for mention- ing them, if he had been writing a treatise, would have been at c. iv. 6. In speaking of the common meals he uses, almost consistently, the Spartan 1 Those who were no longer Ephebi and were not quite men (Pausanias ΠΠ. xiv. 6). xxiii INTRODUCTION technical term Syskania and its cognate words, without giving their explanation. The reference in c. ii. 9 to the ceremonial rite of flagellation at the altar of Artemis Orthia? is so confused that it is quite- impossible that Xenophon, who must have witnessed it, can have written what stands in the text. Whatever we may think of the method of the essay it is characteristic of Xenophon that he borrowed it from a predecessor in the same field.? Critias the politician, once a disciple of Socrates, had already produced a prose and a verse Constitution 9f the Lacedaemonians. In the prose work he compared the usages of different states with those of Sparta ; and though, like Hellanieus and Thucydides, he ignored Lycurgus, the existing fragments of his work show that Xenophon is indebted to Critias, certainly for the method, and perhaps for some of the details of his essay. No doubt it is the Constitution of Critias that is used by Plato, to the exclusion of Xenophon's, in the Laws. The excellence of the Spartan institutions was of course a stock theme among the Socratics. Over- emphasis led to the inevitable protest. Isocrates in his Panathenaicus makes some caustic remarks about those who are for ever harping on the subject. 1 Also in c. xv. ? The rite is a substitute for human sacrifice. ᾿ 3 Kóhler in SZzungsberichte der Berliner — Akademie 1896, p. 361. * The quotation from the verse Constitution in Athenaeus x. 432p, about drinking, corresponds closely with what Xenophon says on the same subject (c. v. 6). 5 e.g. for the view he takes of the **Syssitia," or common meals, as neither a military nor 8 political institution. At c. ii. 1 Xenophon echoes Plato, Proíag. p. 325 D. xxiv INTRODUCTION Amongst other things he says that some talk of the Spartans as if the demi-gods had been. Spartan . :statesmen, and that Lycurgus borrowed his best ideas from Athens! The date of the Panathenaicus is 342 B.C. Or thereabouts. IV. Ways and Means * Now tell me, from what sources are the city's revenues at present derived and what is their total? No doubt you have gone into this matter, in order to raise the amount of any that are deficient and supply any that are lacking." —Memorabilia, un. vi. 5. The. Jays. and. Means appears from . internal evidence to have been written in 355 s.c. There are no convincing reasons for refusing to believe - that Xenophon is the author. The diction and style are his, and there is nothing in the opinions expressed that renders his authorship impossible, or even unlikely. In the opening sentence he repeats a remark that he has made at the end of the Cyropaedia (vui. vii. 4);! there are passages that have a parallel in the Hiero and the Cavairy Commander ; and the epilogue both in language and sentiment is thoroughly Xenophontine. "We might, no doubt, have expected more moralising than we find, and we miss evidence of his interest in agri- culture. But if the brochure^was intended to sup- port the financial policy of the statesman Eubulus, the reason why these features are lacking becomes apparent. This, then, is Xenophon's last work. He probably died a few months after writing it. Since 370 s.c. or thereabouts, Xenophon had 1 A similar remark occurs in Isocrates On the Peace. XXV INTRODUCTION lived at Corinth. Some years later his banishment from Athens was annulled on the proposal of Eubulus. He did not, however, return to his native city ; but he sent his two sons home to serve in the Athenian cavalry. : ἃ In 355 s.c. Athens emerged in a state of serious financial exhaustion from a disastrous war with her most powerful allies. 1t was through Eubulus that the peace was concluded. In the following year Eubulus practically assumed control of the state finances, and he at once set to work to increase the revenue and to relieve the poverty of the citizens. The citizen body at this time, as we can see from the Ways and Means, was in a deplorable condition. Lazy and poverty-stricken, the people ' looked to the state for maintenance. Trade was in the hands of the resident aliens, among whom were many Asiaties(c.ii. 3) How precisely Eubulus dealt with the problems that faced him we do not know. But as Controller of the *theoric" fund he raised enough money from this tax upon the well-to-do to enable him to make distributions to the people on an unprecedented scale. From a passage in the orator Deinarchus we infer that Eubulus also introduced measures for the improve- ment of the cavalry. And when his administration came to an end, probably in 339 s.c.; the mines at Laurium, which had been neglected, were once again being vigorously worked by men in partnership and by private companies. The resemblance between these operations of Eubulus and some of the proposals contained in 1 See especially Beloch, 4(tische Politik seit Perikles, p 4 xxvi INTRODUCTION Xenophon's brochure is obvious. The brochure is addressed, apparently, to the Council of Five Hundred. The author confines himself rigidly to proposals of a practical nature. [t is not his busi- ness here to probe the causes of the prevalent distress. The author of the Memorabilia knew well enough what was wrong with the Athenians; but when the problem of the moment is how to raise cash, it is useless to demand a change of national habits: you must take the conditions as they are, and make the best of them. The recogni- tion of the demoralising dole system was, of course, unavoidable. Then, according to Xenophon's plan, capital is to be raised by the imposition of an income tax—whether for one year or more is not stated —and expended on the erection of hotels, the provision of accommodation for merchants and visitors both in the Peiraeus and in the city, and on a fleet of state-owned merchant vessels. Much space is given to measures to be adopted for the improved working of the mines: amongst them are a measure of state socialism (c. iv. 30) and a pro- posal for the formation of a great Joint-Stock Company (c. iv. 32). To encourage internal trade, it is essential to encourage the resident aliens ; their status must be improved. It is a shock to find Xenophon proposing to make these aliens—including Lydians, Phrygians and Syrians—eligible for the aristocratic cavalry. The insistence on the necessity of maintaining peace as an essential condition of financial recovery is in accordance with the policy of Eubulus. Earlier in this same year, 355 B.c., Isocrates, now an octogenarian, issued his pamphlet Os ihe Peace, xxvii is ctn FEN IARPUTIIT RO MA i ceo peti Ea RP. C p URN NDA RR c em ERNIACTPR INTRODUCTION in which he exhorted the Athenians to endeavour to conciliate the Greek world. His pamphlet is ostensibly a harangue addressed to the Assembly, and its subject is political morality. "There are clear indications that Xenophon had read it before writing the Jays and Means.! V. The Cavalry Commander ? * Perhaps you think you can do something for the good of the State.as a cavalry leader, in case there is any occasion to employ that arm."— Memorabilia, un. iii. 2. 1 The discourse on the duties of the cavalry com- mander was written at a time when there was some reason to anticipate the outbreak of war between Athens and Thebes (c. vii. 3), probably in 365 s.c. It is ostensibly addressed to an individual about to enter on that exalted office; but the convention is not consistently maintained, especially towards the end of the treatise. It is almost certain that Xenophon in his younger days had himself been a member of the Athenian cavalry corps, in 409 s.c. and the years following ; and he had lately sent his two sons home to Athens to serve in the force. His profound interest in cavalry and his knowledge of its use are, of course, apparent in the Cyropaedia, the A4nabasis and the Memorabilia. Our treatise may, indeed, be viewed as a commentary on the statement of a cavalry commander's duties that is put into the mouth of Socrates in the last mentioned work (un. iii. 1). ! He has levied toll on $8 21, 30, 42, 53 and 138. 3 Literally the Greek title means **A discourse on the command of cavalry.? xxviii VE Vua aASÜe s m ey ie INTRODUCTION When Xenophon wrote the discourse Athens was at peace. But even in peace time the duties of the -avalry, though ornamental, were important, since the cavalry procession was a prominent feature of all the great state festivals. And of course training for war was always being carried on with more or less vigour. Things were at the moment in a pretty bad way with the corps. Owing to the prevailing poverty, and the slackness of the Council and their immediate agents, the two arnually elected. com- manders of cavalry (*hipparchs"), the number of troopers had apparently fallen from the thousand required by law to about six hundred and fifty ; and the quality of the horses and the efficiency of the riders left much to be desired. It is probable that in this case, as in others, Xenophon's exhortations were not without practical result, for at the time of the battle of Mantinea (361 s.c.) the Athenian cavalry was able to play a creditable part in the field. Xenophon recommends the use of infantry among the cavalry (c. v. 13) ; and his words imply that at the time infantry were not regularly provided for this service, In the Constitution of. Athens, written some forty years later, Aristotle mentions such a body of infantry as a normal appendage to the eavalry. In the Memorabilia, as in our treatise, the cavalry commander is urged to require that the horses incapable of going the pace should be rejected. ᾿ Aristotle, repeating the very expression used by Xenophon, says that the Council marked and rejected such horses. Both reforms may be due to Xenophon, at least in part. For it is hardly likely that the advice of such an authority can have gone entirely unheeded. xxix INTRODUCTION Each of the ten tribes was supposed to furnish a hundred cavalrymen. The roll was drawn up annually by ten officials elected for the purpose;!- who. acted apparently under the direction of the two commanders. At the head of each of these ten regiments was a colonel (* phylarch ), who was responsible for the details of control, for the in- struction, condition and equipment of his regiment. Each of the two commanders had five of these regiments under him, because in the field the chief duty of the cavalry was to protect the flanks of the infantry. On ceremonial occasions each colonel rode at the head of his regiment in the procession, and each commander at the head of his five regiments. Preparation for service in the cavalry began while a youth was still under the control of his guardian (c. i. 11), that is to say, before the age of eighteen. The service, at any rate at this time, was continuous. The object of the annual enrolment, therefore, was to fil the places of those who retired through old age or other causes. It also appears that not all the recruits were young men : no doubt the difficulty of obtaining a sufficient number of young men of means led to the inclusion of persons of maturer years, men who could not be trained to vault on to a horse, but had to be assisted to mount by means of a leg up, ** in the Persian fashion." Every recruit had to appear with his horse before a committee of the Council and to pass a test. On being approved the recruit had a legal right to receive a sum of money to defray the cost of his horse and equipment; but the colonels had some- times to intervene to get the monéy paid over to ! At any rate this was so when Aristotle wrote. XXX nemo gem NAE CS IR PAPA INTRODUCTION the men. The cavalryman received, in addition, a daily allowance of a drachma for the keep of his horse in peace as well as in war; and the annual eost to the state of this wage amounted, says Xenophon, to nearly forty talents. — The cost of the initial sum paid to the recruits did not fall on the state, as each man who left the service had to pay the amount over to his successor. Each man was attended by a mounted groom (e. v. 6), but the grooms did not ride in the ranks, and were not armed. There were also, mounted aides-de-camp (c. iv. 4)! "The commanders had about them a corps of couriers (c. i. 25), of whom we know only that they had to pass a test before the Council ( Aristotle, 4th. Pol. c. 49). The author's purpose is, of course, to make recom- mendations for the improvement of the cavalry. Inci- dentally the Cavalry Commander is our chief authority on the organisation and employment of the Athenian cavalry, and it contains many details about the ceremonial processions. None of Xenophon's shorter writings is mQre entirely characteristic of the writer. Note especially the frequent exhortation to **work with God"; it is the first and the last duty that he insists on. ** |f," he says, * you are surprised that I say this so often, [ assure you that you will cease to wonder if you find yourself often in danger." He speaks from experience. ! Xenophon in the Cyropaedia assigns many functions to the aides in the army of Cyrus, including attention to the wounded, xxxi *A INTRODUCTION VI. On the Art of. Horsemanship * Seeing you are forced to meddle with horses, don't you think that common sense requires you to see that you are not ignorant of the business? "— Oeconomicus, iii. 9. The treatise on Horsemanship, the oldest complete treatise on. the subject in existence, was written soon after the Cavalry Commander (c. xii. 14). It isa masterly production. The text has suffered con- . siderably from corruption, and even with the aid of restoration it is not easy reading; nevertheless, it presents no serious problems that still await solution. Bearing in mind the cardinal differences between the Greek cavalry horse of which Xenophon writes, and the modern riding horse, we shall have no serious difficulty in following the author. . The Greek cavalry horse, familiar to everybody from the Parthenon sculptures, was small and cob-like. He was a troublesome creature to ride, and given the conditions, although the cavalry was not always an; efficient arm in the field, it is a mistake to suppose that the individual .Greek rider was a poor horseman ; noris the supposition borne out by the Parthenon figures. The horses were ungelded and unshod; they were given to biting, and the rider had neither stirrups, nor saddle, nor curb to assist him. The well-to-do young Athenian rode, but did not often ride merely for pleasure: he rode commonly as a member or a prospective member of the cavalry —it is significant that the same word is used for a * horseman " and a * cavalryman " ; occasionally he rode in order to compete in the horse-races at the Games; or if he were rich he hunted on horse- xxxii Uo m ys 4} ἢ» eom Sn P i RU UR ORCI CN" B p Vp n INTRODUCTION back. Naturally, therefore, the only gaits in use were the walk, the trot and the gallop. The practical horseman will no doubt notice certain details in which modern practice differs from the Greek usage. But he will assuredly be surprised to find that so much of Xenophon's doctrine survives unchanged in the modern lore of the horse and his rider; and he will acknowledge that Xenophon was both an excellent judge of a horse and a highly accomplished horseman. Xenophon recommends a * flexible" in preference to a stiff" bit (c. x). Two **flexible" bits now in the Berlin Museum are figured and described by E. Pernice in his monograph entitled Griechisches Pferdegeschirr (Berlin, 1896). The bits, which are of bronze, and belong to the fourth century, s.c., were found along with a beautiful bronze muzzle and bronze ornaments of the headstall in a grave in Boeotia. They are complete in every detail, including the curved branches at the ends to which the straps of the headstall were fastened and the branches to which the reins wereattached. Xenophon is concerned only with the bit itself. This, in the two examples referred to, consists of two axles joined in the middle by two links, one link within the other. Next to the links are discs; then on either side a cylinder covered with four rows of sharp teeth. Next to the cylinders come the .branches to be attached to the headstall, and outside these the branches for the reins. Discs, 1 Thus Ischomachus (Oeconomicus, xi. 17 f.), an excellent horseman (20), says that he has his horse led to and from his. farm: he mounts at the farm, and goes through military exercises. ^ Xenophon is, of course, describing his own practice, xxxiii INTRODUCTION cylinders and branches move on the axles. From each of the central links hangs a little — of three or four rings (see c. x. 9). When the horse was led out to be en or to give him a roll, a muzzle was used. "The muzzle is depicted on several vases. For example, a black- figured amphora in the Ashmolean Museum (No. 212) shows a led horse wearing the muzzle, and, in this case, bridled as well. The muzzles for ordinary use were made either of straps or of wicker. The Ashmolean horse's muzzle is attached by a strap passing under the ears. In another example figured in E. Walpole's Memoirs of E and Asiatic Turkey, we have two horses muzzled and tied together by the leading reins that hang from the muzzle. AÀ groom is cleaning the back of the horse on the right with a strigil (cf. c. v. 5). Another,groom is examining the uplifted forefoot of the horse on the left, crouching beneath the horse in a manner not approved by Xenophon. A halter was also attached to the bridle and used in mounting or in leading the horse when not muzzled (c. vii. 1). The halter is clearly seen on one of the horses depicted on an Attic cyliv in the Berlin Museum, of which the subject is the examination of the cavalry recruits; and there are other extant examples. In the twelfth chapter Xenophon recommends that the horse should be protected in war with a, frontlet, breastplate and thigh-pieces.! It is not unlikely that these came into use in Greece as the result of his recommendation. Their origin is 1 From this chapter it is clear that the rider's thighs were not protected by thigh-pieces. xxxiv INTRODUCTION Asiatic, and of course Xenophon had seen them used during the expedition of the Ten Thousand. The methodical construction of this treatise con- trasts strongly with the want of arrangement that we find in the Discourse on Hunting. The author starts with a modest reference to his skill in horse- manship; and here let the translator, whose own acquaintance with horses has been brief and dis- astrous, offer an apology to any practical horseman into whose hands this version, or perversion, may . fall, for any absurdities that he may——it is but too likely—detect in the English equivalents used in - the translation to represent the technical terms of - the original ^ After this brief and characteristic pe omnt exordium the author falls at once to business. Here is a list of the contents: (1) Buying a colt— points and size of the young horse (c. i). (2) Breaking a young horse (c. ii). (3) Buying a horse already ridden (c. iii) (4) Stable and yard (c. iv). (5) The groom's duties (c. v.-vi). (6) Instructions to the rider—mounting, starting, exercises (c. vii.—viii.). (1) Management of a fiery horse (c. ix. (8) How - to make the best of a war-horse (c. x. 1-5). (9) - Bits, their form and use (c. x. 6). (10) The horse - for ceremonial occasions (c. xi). (11) Armour of rider and horse (c. xii 1-10). (12) Offensive weapons and their use (c. xii. 11). (13) Brief refer- ence to the Cavalry Commander for further information. The exposition is as clear as the arrangement. In his opening words, and elsewhere, Xenophon refers to the treatise of Simon, of which an important fragment survives in the library of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.! "There is much matter common to both 1 There are several modern editions. XXXV INTRODUCTION treatises, but it is unfair to represent Xenophon as merely repeating Simon,! Both authors begin their description of the parts of the horse at the hoofs and work upwards to the head. ΑἹ] later writers on the horse, Greek and Roman, start at the head. Very likely Xenophon consciously followed Simon's method: it would be like him to do that. VII. Hunting When an Englishman tells you that he is * going to hunt," you understand him to mean that he in- tends to hunt the fox on horseback. Had you heard a young Greek of the fourth century s.c. make the same remark, the odds would have been that he was going to hunt the hare on foot. Two other branches of the sport in which the average young Greek then indulged were the hunting of the red deer and the boar. But if either of these creatures was to be the object of his pursuit, he would have said so; and in either case he would have been intending to go unmounted,? unless he had said definitely that he was going on horseback. "These simple facts explain the absence of a statement early in this treatise (c. ii.) that its author in- tends to deal first with hare hunting, and also explain why there is nothing in the treatise about hunting on horseback, apart from an incidental re- ference in the appendix on hunting abroad (c. xi. 3). Sons of aristocratic houses often rode to hounds; 1 Oder in his Anecdota Cantabrigiensia, a mine of information on the ancient horse-literature, is hardly just to Xenophon. 3 The term κυνηγετεῖν, consistently used for hunting in the treatise, is normally confined in classical authors to hunting om foot. xxxvi ——ÀÀ - INTRODUCTION and no doubt Xenophon's boys were mounted when they hunted boars, gazelles and red deer at Scillus.! But this treatise is addressed to the average young hunter, and is confined to those forms of the sport that were open to him. The art of hunting, like other arts and crafts, was a gift of the gods to the centaur Chiron, who imparted it to many heroes, all of whom enjoyed the special favour of the gods. To this topic is devoted a lengthy rhetorical exordium, which differs entirely by its elaborate style from the rest of the treatise, in which the rules of formal composition are almost entirely disregarded. There is no parallel to this exordium in Greek literature anterior to the Christian era? To Xenophon, indeed, a long exordium of any kind is alien. The writer's object is instruction of the' novice. He undertakes to enumerate and to explain all the paraphernalia required in hunting (c. ii. 2). But his promise is but indifferently fulfilled in the sequel. He is excellent in description; but, like so many modern teachers, he unconsciously reckons on too much knowledge in his pupils. Especially confusing is his use of the same term for the track and the scent of the hare; aud the directions for unravelling the tracks and for setting up the nets, the parts of which he does not explain, are anything but clear. 1 Amabasis, V. iii. 10. We see that this treatise was not written, as is sometimes supposed, for the use of Xenophon's sons, 3 As for the date of the exordium see below. .J. Mewaldt (Hermes, xlvi. p. 76), has pointed out a remarkable parallel in the exordium to the PAysécian falsely attributed to Galen, but contemporary with him. xxxvii INTRODUCTION Nor is his arrangement of his matter in the section on the hare wholly satisfactory, For most of the seventh chapter and the whole of the eighth consist of remarks, in the nature of an appendix, on the subject of the third chapter. It is surprising to find that nets were not used in Greece for hunting the red deer on foot, though the * net-keeper" accompanied the hunt (c. ix. 6). Their place was taken by the abominable traps or caltrops, which are carefully and clearly described. We wonder how an unmounted hunter was to get among the deer and to isolate a member of the herd (c. ix. 10). To the survey of the three branches of hunting the author appends a few irrelevant remarks on the hunting of big game abroad, apparently just because the subject interested him and might be expected to interest his young readers. These remarks, it may be observed, do not include varieties of hunting that Xenophon had witnessed in Asia, and would be expected to describe if he had written the Hunting at Scillus. Having finished with the technical side of the subject, our author launches out into an enumeration of the benefits to be derived from hunting on foot (c. xii. 1-9). It is good for the health, fits men for their military duties, and affords a fine moral train- ing. Some, he says, meaning, probably, Aristippus and his followers, object to hunting on the ground that it leads men to waste the time that ought to be given to their business and to the service of the state. These objectors are utterly wrong, and many of them are even vicious. But hunters are a virtuous folk, because they love toil (c. xii. 10, end). The xxxviii INTRODUCTION argument here, and in the last chapter, is sloppy, but the writer disarms criticism by his zeal. The task that the writer set himself at the begin- ning is now completed, and we should have expected him to end here. Bat he is in a fighting mood, and is determined to warn his young readers against all the enemies of his theories. Chief among these are the *sophists," that is, the professors of other systems of education than that in which he believes. They have never made a man virtuous, and their writings, for all the care lavished on their style, do nobody any good. Very likely one of them will attack this treatise for its slipshod style and want of *beauty." What does the author care? He seeks to do good, not to train the young in sophistry. Beware of the professors and cleave to the lovers of wisdom! Then there are the unscrupulous self- seekers and reckless politicians. ^ Don't emulate them! The best of them incur envy,! and the bad ones are rogues. But hunters are genial and kindly, and they seek only to do good. The technical portion of this treatise (c. ii.-xi.) and the curious epilogue (c. xii.-xiii. are certainly contemporary with Xenophon; and—as all com- petent critics now agree— both were written by one man. "The attack on the **sophists" in the last chapter must have been written in the fourth century B.c., when * philosophers " and * sophists" wrangled over the theory and practice of education, and flooded the world with books on the subject. The descriptive portions of the technical part are worthy of Xenophon; and the sentiments expressed in the 1 This, I think, must have been tbe meaning of c. xiii. 10 before the text was corrupted. t XXXix INTRODUCTION epilogue strongly remind us of his sentiments. The difficulty in accepting the treatise as his lies mainly in the jerkiness of the style and the looseness of the grammar. We miss the combination of short simple sentences with long periods that is characteristic of his manner; and the constant indulgence in * ellipse," *asyndeton," *chiasmus," *infinitive of command," and so on, is not at all like what we find in his acknowledged works. On the whole, when the pros and cons are weighed and re-weighed, it does not appear utterly impossible that he wrote it as a first experiment in authorship before leaving Athens for Asia. The work is full of his zest for hunting, his pietism, his insistence that before you try to do a thing, you must understand how to do it, and, above all, his belief in the efficacy of diligence and toil. The author of the treatise is clearly an Athenian; and though his opinions bear a strong resemblance to those of the older Cynics, and especi- ally of Antisthenes, the founder of the Cynic school, I see no decisive reason for thinking it impossible— though it is certainly difficult to believe—that Xenophon wrote it in the last years of Socrates' life. He was then aged thirty,! and might employ a didactic tone towards the youth of eighteen. [ he did, he must have adopted a manner of writing that he judged appropriate to a didactic treatise addressed to the young.? We must suppose that he deliberately ! Xenophon was born 430 8.6. ; Apollodorus (fl. 150 8.0.) in his Chronica wrongly suggested 440 ΒΟ. From Apollo- dorus the error passed into Diogenes Laertius and Suidas. 3 There is a similar manner in one or two didactic sentences quoted from Antisthenes by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 12) Mewaldt detects à similarity in the style of Simon's treatise on Horsemanship. "The manner is common enough in technical xl INTRODUCTION avoided formal rhetoric, of which there are only very few examples in the treatise. Xenophon in the Hellenica and the Agesilaus does experiment in different styles of writing, though within limits that he passes far beyond in the Hunting, if this work be really his. But a great difficulty confronts us. In the thirteenth chapter (3-7) the writer, in his most rhetorical passage, says in effect that he despises rhetoric as practised in his day, and has no belief in its value. Now the rhetoric of the fourth-century sophists is based on the teaching of Gorgias and Prodicus. Xenophon elsewhere always writes respect- fully of these two great stylists, and he shows both by his statements and by his practice that he has a keen appreciation of rhetoric as an aid to persuasion.! Already at the beginning of the Hellenica (1. i. 30—31) he attributes the reputation of Hermocrates the Syracusan * as speaker and adviser " to the attention that he paid to oratory ; and Sicilian oratory without rhetoric is unthinkable. Can it be that between, say, 401 s.c. and 393 s.c. he so entirely changed his opinion? Itis possible that he did so, in consequence of his experience in Asia, where the influence of oratory on the soldiers was continually made manifest.? In at least two parts of the epilogue it is highly probable that Aristippus is attacked, first as object- 1 The results of his study of Gorgias can be traced in the Constitution of the Lacedaemonians and the JWays and Means as well as in the Agesilaus. * Note ially what he says about Proxenus (Anabasis, II. vi. 16), that in his youth he had an ambition to become a man of affairs, and therefore put himself under Gorgias. writings. A pretty specimen of it is to be found in Plato's description of the two horses (Phaedrus, p. 253 p). xli INTRODUCTION ing to toil, and further on as a self-seeker (xii. 10 ; xiii. 10); Aristippus was, in fact, the first of the Socratics to take fees from his pupils! Now we know that Xenophon had an aversion to Aristippus, whose opinions and conduct naturally jarred on him. What is more likely than that Xenophon should warn his young readers against such an alluring but dangerous teacher ἢ Here we may leave the problem. The style does not in the least suggest Xenophon: much of the matter, both in the technical part and in the epilogue, does suggest him. Absurdities have been pointed out? in the reasoning of the epilogue ; but some of these absurdities are probably due to the corrupt state in which the text of it has come down to us. For whereas in the technical part we have the powerful aid of Pollux in correcting the text, he cites nothing from the epilogue. The laborious exordium is not contemporary with the rest of the work. Certain rhythms are persistently used in it that were not in vogue earlier than the first half of the third century 8.0.3 But the * sophistic" list of Chiron's pupils and, still more, the highly artificial order of the words show that the date is much later than the third century. Norden, the highest authority in these matters, states confidently that the exordium belongs to the period of the * second sophistic." * We may con- ! Diogenes Laertius, ii. 65. ' ? Especially by Hartman in his 4nalecta Xenophontea. 3 Especially the déchoreus (——.) at the end of the sentence, which is characteristic of the 4sianicstyle. (Radermacher in Rheinisches Musewn, lii.). * In Die Antike Prosakunst (p. 433) he cites some striking parallels from the Lemnian Philostratus' /magines and from Aelian. xlii INTRODUCTION clude without hesitation that it was composed in the reign of Hadrian (αν. 117-138), when also the reference to it in c. xiii 18 was added.! Some- where about a.p. 150 Arrian must have come across a copy of the Hunting in Athens, with the exordium already prefixed. — He took the exordium at its face value, and assumed that it too was written by Xenophon? n the Heroicus (p. 308), written be- tween a.p. 213 and 219, the Lemnian Philostratus includes Telamon, Theseus and Palamedes among the disciples of Chiron. These heroes are mentioned nowhere else as pupils of the Centaur except in our epilogue.? The earliest author who alludes to the Hunting as Xenophon's work is Plutarch; but Demetrius of Magnesia, a contemporary of Cicero, already recog- nised it as his.* ' The principal manuscripts are the following :— 1. For the Hiero, Agesilaus, Constitutüon of the Lacedaemonians and Ways and Means : A. (Vaticanus, 1335), tenth or eleventh century. Of the Jays and Means only a part (c. i. 5 to c. iii. 5) has survived. 1 This furnished, as it were, a text to the writer of the (2.4 wu) ? Arrian, Cynegeticus i. It is odd that Arrian, no mean judge of style, accepted the whole work, including the exordium, as certainly genuine. 3 The coincidence at least shows that these names were introduced into the list by the late sophists ἘΚ. Münscher (P^ilologus, Supplementband, x., p. 503) doubts whether Philostratus consciously re the author of the exordium ; nor do I think it certain that he does so. * Diogenes Laertius, ii. 57. xliii INTRODUCTION B. (Vaticanus, 1950), fifteenth century. Probably copied from A. C. (Mutinensis, 145), fifteenth century. This MS. does not include the Agesilaus. lt contains many peculiar readings, of which many are conjectures. M. (Marcianus, 511), probably thirteenth century. Α papyrus fragment of the Jays and. Means, c. i. 5-6, belonging to the second century Α.}.,) is edited br. Wilcken in the A4rchw für Papyrusforschung, vol. i. The copious extracts contained in the Florilegium of Stobaeus are specially important for checking the text of the Constitution of. the Lacedaemonians. 2. For the Cavalry Commander, Horsemanship and Hunting. A. e indobonensis, IV. 31), sixteenth century. This MS. does not include the Cavairy Commander. Τὸ is derived from an arche- type of the twelfth century, and is the best MS. of the Horsemanship and Hunting. | Its version of c. i. of Hunting is peculiar, evidently because the MS. from which it was copied was blurred and partly illegible. B. (Faticanus, 989), thirteenth century. The best MS. of the Hipparchicus, and the next best to A. of the other two. The first chapter of Hunting, and the opium words of the second are missing. M. (Marcianus, 511). The lexicon of Pollux is of the utmost value in checking and restoring the corrupted text of the xliv a Ue cffe Sa RDUM Ft RET CX NÉ S os INTRODUCTION treatise on. Horsemanship and the technical parts of that on Hunting. Àn excellent critical edition of the text of the first four treatises by A. Thalheim and of the last three by E. Ruehl ps included in the Teubner Series. There is also a recent text of the whole in Vol. V. of Xenophontis Opera Omnia (Scriptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis). A translation of the Horsemanship with notes by R. Berenger is included in his History of the Art of Horsemanship (1671). | Paul Louis Courier's transla- tion of the Cavairy Commander and Horsemanship (1st ed. 1807) contains many valuable notes, and his contribution to the purification and elucidation of the text is of the first importance. The MS. that he followed was 'aticanus 989. The Art of. Horsemanship translated, with chapters on the Greek Riding-Horse, and with notes, by Morris H. Morgan (1894) is excellent. The German translation of the last-mentioned work by E. Pollack (1912) includes a commentary and a full bibliography and is indispensable to students. O. Manns, Über die Jagd bei den Griechen (1888.-- 1890) has given a complete exposition of the technical portions of the treatise on Hunting. R. M. Radermacher's articles in the Zheinisches Museum, li,lii, mark an epoch in the criticism of the Hunting. All recent textual criticism of the Constitution of the Lacedaemonians and of the last three treatises included in this volume is based on the exhaustive work of three Italian scholars. — The results arrived xlv INTRODUCTION at by them are contained in the following Berlin editions :— G. Pierleoni: Xenophontis Respublica Lacedae- moniorum, 1905. » » » Cynegeticus, 1902. P. Cerocchi : ΑΝ Hipparchicus, 1901. V. Tommasini : s de He Equestri, 1902. The Greek text of this volume follows that of Sauppe (— S. in the footnotes) except where stated. The earliest printed edition of the collected works is that of Filippo Giunta (Florence, 1516); but it does not include the Agesilaus and Ways and Means. The Agesilaus was first printed by J. Reuchlin in 1520 (with the A4pology and Hiero), and the Jays and Means in the Aldine ed. (1525). xlvi £ P nr t 20.2 "d LA mu 3X. (Ope Wu Iw : jw T σὉ Ὁ 50 Eo OHIERQ' ut d ET ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ IEPON l. Σιμωνίδης ὁ ποιητὴς ἀφίκετό ποτε πρὸς Ἱέρωνα “τὸν “τύραννον. σχολῆς δὲ γενομένης ἀμφοῖν εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾿Αρ᾽ ἄν μοι ἐθελήσαις, ὦ lépov, διηγήσασθαι à εἰκὸς εἰδέναι σε βέλτιον ἐμοῦ ; Καὶ ποῖα ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ὁ ὁποῖα δὴ ἐγὼ βέλτιον ἂν εἰδείην σοῦ οὕτως ὄντος P aepo ἀνδρός ; Oibá ce, ἔφη, ἐγὼ καὶ ἰδιώτην γεγενημένον καὶ νῦν τύραννον ὄντα: εἰκὸς οὖν ἀμφοτέρων πε- πειραμένον καὶ εἰδέναι σε μᾶλλον ἐμοῦ, πῆ διαφέρει ὁ τυραννικός τε kal ὁϊ ἰδιωτικὸς βίος εἰς εὐφροσύνας τε καὶ λύπας ἀνθρώποις. Τί οὖν, ἔφη ὁ ἹἹέρων, οὐχὶ καὶ σύ, ἐπεὶ νῦν γε ἔτι ἰδιώτης εἶ, ὑπέμνησάς με τὰ ἐν τῷ ἰδιωτικῷ βίῳ; οὕτως γὰρ ἄν σοι οἶμαι μάλιστα ἐγὼ δύνασθαι δηλοῦν τὰ διαφέροντα ἐν ἑκατέρῳ. Οὕτω δὴ ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπε: Τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἰδιώτας ἔγωγε, ὦ ἹἹέρων, δοκῶ μοι καταμεμαθηκέναι διὰ μὲν τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ὁράμασιν ἡδομένους τε καὶ ἀχθομένους, διὰ δὲ τῶν ὦτων ἀκούσμασι, διὰ δὲ τῶν ῥινῶν ὀσμαῖς, διὰ δὲ τοῦ στόματος σίτοις τε kai ποτοῖς, τὰ δ᾽ ἀφροδίσια δι’ ὧν δὴ πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα. τὰ δὲ ψύχη καὶ θάλπη καὶ “σκληρὰ καὶ μαλακὰ καὶ κοῦφα καὶ βαρέα ὅχῳ τῷ σώματί μοι δοκοῦμεν, ἔφη, κρίνοντες ἥδεσθαί τε XENOPHON'S HIERO I. Siwoxipzs, the poet, once paid a visit to Hiero, the despot. When both found time to spare, Simonides said: * Hiero, will you please explain something to me that you probably know better than I?" two." * Well said Simonides, taking the suggestion, 4 *] think I have ebserved that sights affect private citizens with pleasure and pain through the eyes, sounds through the ears, smells through the nostrils, meat and drink through the mouth, carnal appetites —of course we all know how. In the case of cold 5 and heat, things hard and soft, light and heavy, our sensations of pleasure and pain depend on the 154. Sauppe omits with the other MSS. XENOPHON καὶ λυπεῖσθαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς: ἀγαθοῖς δὲ καὶ κακοῖς ἔστι μὲν ὅτε δι᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς “ψυχῆς μοι δοκοῦμεν ἥδεσθαί τε καὶ λυπεῖσθαι, ἔ ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε κοινῇ διά 6 τε τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ διὰ τοῦ σώματος. τῷ δ᾽ 7 8 9 10 ὕπνῳ ὅτι μὲν ἡδόμεθα, δοκῶ μοι αἰσθάνεσθαι, ὅπως δὲ καὶ ᾧτινι καὶ ὁπότε, ταῦτα μᾶλλόν πως, ἔφη, δοκῶ μοι ἀγνοεῖν. καὶ οὐδὲν ἴσως τοῦτο θαυμαστόν, εἰ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἐγρηγορέναι σαφεστέρας΄ ἡμῖν τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχεται ἢ 7 τὰ ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ... Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ ὁ Ἱέρων ἀπεκρίνατο, ᾿Εγὼ μὲν τοίνυν, ἔφη, ὧ Σιμωνίδη, ἔξω τούτων ὧν εἴρηκας σύγε οὐδ᾽ ὅπως ἂν αἴσθοιτό τινος ἄχλου ὁ τύραννος ἔχοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰπεῖν, ὥστε μέχρι γε τούτου οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἴ τινι διαφέρει ὁ τυραννικὸς βίος τοῦ ἰδιωτικοῦ βίου. Καὶ ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπεν, "ANN ἐν τοῖσδε, ἔφη, διαφέρει: πολλαπλάσια “μὲν δι ἑκάστου τούτων εὐφραίνεται, vr πολὺ δὲ μείω τὰ λυπηρὰ ἔχει. Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπεν" “Οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Σι- μωνίδη, ταῦτα, ἀλλ᾽ εὖ ἴσθ᾽, ὅτι μείω πολὺ εὐφραίνονται οἷ’ τύραννοι τῶν μετρίως διαγόντων ἰδιωτῶν, πολὺ δὲ πλείω καὶ μείζω λυποῦνται. "Amica λέγεις, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης. εἰ γὰρ οὕτω ταῦτ᾽ εἶχε, πῶς ἂν πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπεθύμουν τυραννεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα τῶν δοκούντων ἱ ἱκανωτάτων ἀνδρῶν εἶναι ; πῶς δὲ πάντες ἐζήλουν ἂν τοὺς τυράννους ; j “Ὅτι vai μὰ τὸν AC, ἔφη 0 Té έρων, ἄπειροι ὄντες ἀμφοτέρων τῶν ἔργων σκοποῦνται περὶ αὐτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ πειράσομαί σε διδάσκειν, ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγω, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως: ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ καὶ σὲ δοκῶ μεμνῆσθαι ἀρξάμενον λέγειν. 4 HIERO, τ 5-16 whole body, 1 think. In good and evil we seem to feel pleasure or pain, as the case may be—some- times through the instrumentality of the moral being only, at other times through that of the moral and the physical being together. Sleep, it seems clear 6. to me, affects us with pleasure; but how and by what fneans and when are puzzles that I feel less able to solve. And perhaps it is no matter for surprise if our sensations are clearer when we are awake than when we are asleep." ** For my part, Simonides," said Hiero in answer 7 to this, * I cannot say how a despot could have any sensations apart from tbose you have mentioned. So far, therefore, I fail to see that the despot's life differs in any respect from the citizen's." * [n this respect it does differ," *the pleasures it experiences by means of these various organs are infinitely greater in number, and the pains it undergoes are far fewer." *[t is not so, Simonides," retorted Hiero; “1 assure you far fewer pleasures fall to despots than to citizens of modest means, and many more and much greater pains. " * Incredible!" exclaimed Simonides. * ^ Were it 9 so, how should a despot's throne be an object of desire to many, even of those who are reputed to be men of ample means? And how should all the world envy despots ? " * For this reason of course," said Hiero, **that 10 they speculate- on the subject without experience of both estates. But I will try to show you that I am speaking the truth, beginning with the sense of sight. That was your first point, if I am not mistaken. 5 said Simonides : 8 ] / - XENOPHON 1| Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς διὰ τῆς ὄψεως eidgian λογιζόμενος εὑρίσκω μειονεκτοῦντας τοὺς τυ- ράννους. ἄλλα μέν γε ἐν ἄλλῃ “χώρᾳ ἐστὶν ἀξιοθέατα' ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα οἱ μὲν ᾿ἰδιῶται ἔρχονται καὶ εἰς πόλεις ἃς ἂν βούλωνται καὶ εἰς τὰς κοινὰς πανηγύρεις, ἔνθα ἃ ἀξιοθεατότατα 12 δοκεῖ ἀνθρώποις συναγεέρεται.5 οἱ δὲ τύραννοι οὐ μάλα ἀμφὶ θεωρίας ἔχουσιν. οὔτε γὰρ ἰέναι αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς ὅπου μὴ κρείττονες τῶν παρόντων “μέλλουσιν ἔσεσθαι, οὔτε τὰ οἴκοι κέκτηνται ἐχυρά, ὥστε ἄλλοις παρακαταθεμένους ἀποδημεῖν. φοβερὸν γάρ, μὴ ἅμα στερηθῶσι τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἀδύνατοι γένωνται τιμωρήσασθαι τοὺς 13 ἀδικήσαντας. εἴποις οὖν ἂν ἴσως σύ, ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄρα ἔρχεται αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ οἴκοι μένουσι. ναὶ μὰ “Δία, à Σιμωνίδη, ὀλίγα γε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ ταῦτα τοιαῦτα ὄντα οὕτω τίμια πωλεῖται τοῖς τυράννοις, ὥστε οἱ ἐπιδεικνύμενοι καὶ ὁτιοῦν ἀξιοῦσι πολλαπλάσια λαβόντες ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ ἀπιέναι παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου ἢ ὅσα ἐν παντὶ τῷ βίῳ παρὰ πάντων τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων κτῶνται. Ι4 Kai ὁ Σιμωνίδης εἶπεν: ᾿Αλλ᾽ εἰ τοῖς θεάμασι μειονεκτεῖτε, διά γέ τοι τῆς ἀκοῆς πλεονεκτεῖτε. ἐπεὶ τοῦ μὲν ἡδίστου ἀκροάματος, ἐπαίνου, οὔποτε σπανίζετε' πάντες γὰρ οἱ παρόντες ὑμῖν πάντα καὶ ὅσα ἂν λέγητε καὶ ὅσα ἂν ποιῆτε ἐπαινοῦσι. τοῦ δ᾽ αὖ χαλεπωτάτου ἀκροάματος, λοιδορίας, ἀνήκοοί ἐστε: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐθέλει τύ- pavvov κατ᾽ ὀφθαλμοὺς κακηγορεῖν. — ιό Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπε, Καὶ τί οἴει, ἔφη, τοὺς μὴ 1 ἃ Lenklau: rà Sauppe with the MSS. and Stobaeus. 6 Ma CADRES ὦ πα Ae CH vr y em το Noo ὄὅ νυ. Jj - D »» Boch dic cu. ,1 ὦ χῳ cT Ke AUCI E HIERO, τ. 11-15 ** [n the first place, then, taking the objects that we perceive by means of vision, I find by calculation that in regard to sight-seeing, despots are worse off. In every land there are things worth seeing : and in search of these private citizens visit any city they choose, and attend the national festivals, where all things reputed to be most worth seeing are assembled. But despots are not at all concerned with missions to shows. For it is risky for them to go where they will be no stronger than the crowd, and their pro- perty at home is too insecure to be left in charge of others while they are abroad. For they fear to lose their throne, and at the same time to be unable to take vengeance on the authors of the wrong. Perhaps you may say : * But, after all, such spectacles come to them even if they stay at home. No, no, Simonides, only one in a hundred such; and what there are of them are offered to despots at a price so exorbitant that showmen who exhibit some trifle expect to leave the court in an hour with far more money than they get from all the rest of the world in a lifetime." * Ah," said Simonides, * but if you are worse off in the matter of sight-seeing, the sense of hearing, you know, gives you the advantage. Praise, the sweetest of all sounds, is never lacking, for all your courtiers praise everything you do and every word youutter. Abuse,on the contrary, that most offensive of sounds, is never in your ears, for no one likes to speak evil of a despot in his presence." * And what pleasure," asked Hiero, * comes, do 3 συναγείρεται Lenklau: συναγείρεσθαι Sauppe with the MSS. and Stobaeus. i 5. τύραννον. .. κακηγορεῖν Cobet: Sauppe reads τυράννον . κατηγορεῖν with the MSS. and Stobaeus. 7 11 14 15 XENOPHON - λέγοντας κακῶς εὐφραίνειν, ὅ ὅταν εἰδῇ τις σαφῶς, ὅτι οἱ σιωπῶντες οὗτοι πάντα κακὰ νοοῦσι τῷ τυράννῳ ; : ? TOUS ἐπαινοῦντας τί δοκεῖς εὐφραί- νειν, ὅταν ὕποπτοι ὦσιν ἕνεκα τοῦ κολακεύειν τοὺς ἐπαίνους ποιεῖσθαι; l6 Καὶ ὁ “Σιμωνίδης εἶπε" Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ναὶ uà. τὸν Δία ἔγωγέ σοι, Ἱέρων, πάνυ συγχωρῶ, τοὺς ἐπαίνους παρὰ" τῶν ἐλευθερωτάτων ἡδίστους εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽, ὁρᾷς, ἐκεῖνό γε οὐκ ἂν ἔτι πείσαις ἀνθρώπων obiórm, ὡς οὐχὶ δι. ὧν τρεφόμεθα οἱ ἄνθρωποι, πολὺ πλείω ὑμεῖς ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐφραίνεσθε. 17 Καὶ οἶδά Je ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ὅτι τούτῳ κρίνουσιν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἥδιον ἡμᾶς καὶ πίνειν καὶ ἐσθίειν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν, ὅτι δοκοῦσε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἥδιον ἂν δειπνῆσαι τὸ ἡμῖν παρατιθέμενον δεῖπνον ἢ τὸ ἑαυτοῖς τὸ γὰρ τὰ εἰωθότα ὑ ὑπερ- ι8 βάλλον, τοῦτο παρέχει τὰς ἡδονάς. διὸ καὶ πάντες ἄνθρωποι ἡδέως προσδέχονται τὰς ἑορτὰς πλὴν οἱ τύραννοι: ἔκπλεῳ yàp. αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ παρε- σκευασμέναι οὐδεμίαν ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἔχουσιν αἱ τράπεξαι αὐτῶν ἐπίδοσιν: ὥστε ταύτῃ πρῶτον τῇ εὐφροσύνῃ τῆς ἐλπίδος μειονεκτοῦσι τῶν 19 ἰδιωτῶν. ἔπειτα δ᾽, ἔφη, ἐκεῖνο εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι καὶ σὺ ἔμπειρος εἶ, ὅτι ὅσῳ ἂν πλείω τις παραθῆται τὰ περιττὰ τῶν ἱκανῶν, τοσούτῳ θᾶττον κόρος ἐμπίπτει τῆς ἐδωδῆς: ὥστε καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἡδονῆς μειονεκτεῖ ὁ παρατιθέμενος πολλὰ τῶν μετρίως διαιτωμένων. 20 ᾿Αλλὰ ναὶ μὰ AC, “ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, ὅσον ἂν χρόνον ἡ ψυχὴ προσίηται, τοῦτον πολὺ μᾶλλον ἥδονται οἱ ταῖς “πολυτελεστέραις παρασκευαῖς τρεφόμενοι τῶν τὰ εὐτελέστερα παρατιθεμένων. HIERO, :. 15-20 you suppose, of this shrinking from evil words, when one knows well that all harbour evil thoughts against the doas in spite of their silence ? .Or .* Well yes," S replied eem * in this of course I agree with you entirely, Hiero, that praise from the freest is sweetest. But this, now, you will not persuade anyone to believe, that the "things which support human life do not yield you a far greater number of pleasures." * Yes, Simonides, and 1 know that the reason why most men judge that we have more enjoyment in eating and drinking than private citizens is this ; they think that they themselves would find the dinner served at our table better eating than what they get. Anything, in fact, that is better than what they are accustomed to gives them pleasure. This is why all men look forward to the festivals, except the despots. For their table is always laden with plenty, and admits of no extras on feast days. Here then is one pleasure in respect of which they. are worse off than the private citizen, the pleasure of anticipation. But further, your own experience tells you, 1 am sure, that the greater the number of superfluous dishes set before a man, the sooner a feeling of repletion comes over him; and so, as regards the duration of his pleasure too, the man who has many courses put before him is worse off than the moderate liver." 3 * But surely," said Simonides, *«so long as the appetite holds out, the man who dines at the costlier banquet has far more pleasure than he who is served with the cheaper meal." 9 20 XENOPHON 21 Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ὧ Σιμωνίδη, τὸν ἑκάστῳ ἡδόμενον μάλιστα, τοῦτον οἴει καὶ ἐρωτικώτατα ἔχειν͵ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου ; Πάνυ , μὲν οὖν, ἔφη. Ἦ οὖν ὁρᾷς τι τοὺς τυράννους ἥδιον ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν παρασκευὴν ἰόντας ἢ τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ; Οὐ μὰ τὸν ΔΙ, ἔφη, οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀγλευκέστερον, «ὡς πολλοῖς ἂν δόξειε. 22 Téí yáp, ἔφη ὁ “Ἱέρων, ^ τὰ πολλὰ ταῦτα μηχα- νήματα κατανενόηκας, ἃ παρατίθεται τοῖς τυ- ράννοις, ὀξέα καὶ δριμέα καὶ στρυφνὰ καὶ τὰ τούτων ἀδελφά ; Πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, καὶ πάνυ γέ μοι δοκοῦντα παρὰ φύσιν εἶναι ταῦτα ἀν- θρώποις. 93 Ἄλλο τι οὖν οἴει, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, ταῦτα τὰ ἐδέσματα εἶναι ἢ μαλακῆς καὶ ,ἀσθενούσης τρυφῇ ψυχῆς ἐπιθυμήματα ; : ἐπεὶ εὖ οἶδ᾽ ἔγωγε, ὅτι οἱ ἡδέως ἐσθίοντες, καὶ σύ που οἶσθα, ὅτι οὐδὲν προσδέονται τούτων τῶν σοφισμάτων. 984 ᾿Αλλὰ μέντοι, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, τῶν γε πο- λυτελῶν ὀσμῶν τούτων, αἷς χρίεσθε, τοὺς πλησιάξοντας οἶμαι μᾶλλον ἀπολαύειν ἢ αὖ- τοὺς ὑμᾶς, ὥσπερ γε καὶ τῶν ἀχαρίτων ὀσμῶν οὐκ αὐτὸς ὁ βεβρωκὼς αἰσθάνεται, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον οἱ πλησιάζοντες. 25 Οὕτω μέντοι, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, καὶ τῶν σίτων ὁ μὲν ἔχων παντοδαπὰ ἀεὶ οὐδὲν μετὰ πόθου αὐτῶν λαμβάνει: ὁ δὲ σπανίσας τινός οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μετὰ χαρᾶς πιμπλάμενος, ὅ ὅταν αὐτῷ προφανῇ τι. ?6 Κινδυνεύουσιν, ἔφη ὁ Σιμωνίδης, αἱ τῶν ἀφρο- το . —O—————— T — — ἤ ὦ Βα Rc Á c ÉD Bc d E HIERO, 1. 21-26 * Don't you think, Simonides, that the greater a 2! man's pleasure in any occupation the stronger is his devotion to it? " * Certainly." *'Then do you notice that despots fall to their meal with any more zest than private persons to theirs ? " * No, no, of course not ; I should rather say with more disgust, according to the common opinion." * Well now," said Hiero, * have you observed all 22 those pickles and sauces that are put before despots —Aacid, bitter, astringent and so forth ? "' — .** Yes, certainly ; and very unnatural cates I think . them for human beings." -. - * Don't you look on these condiments, then, as 23 - mere fads of ἃ jaded and pampered appetite? I - know well enough, and I expect you know too, that hearty eaters have no need of these concoctions." ** Well, I certainly think that those costly un- 24 guents with which you anoint your bodies afford | more satisfaction to those who are near you than to yourselves, . just as the man who has eaten rank food is less conscious of the disagrosaple smell than those — who come near him." * Quite so, and we may add that he who has all 25 sorts of food at all times has no stomach for any sort. Offer a man a dish that he seldom tastes, and he eats a bellyful with gusto." * [t seems, remarked Simonides, *as if the 26 II 27 28 29 31 XENOPHON δισίων μόνον ὑμῖν ἀπολαύσεις τοῦ τυραννεῖν τὰς ἐπιθυμίας παρέχειν" ἐν γὰρ τούτῳ ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν ὅ τι ἂν κάλλιστον ἴδητε τούτῳ συνεῖναι. ᾿ Νῶν δή, ἔφη ὁ Ἱέρων, εἴρηκας ἐν ᾧ γε; σάφ᾽ ἴσθι, μειονεκτοῦμεν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ γάμος ὁ μὲν ἐκ μειζόνων δήπου καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ δυνάμει κάλλιστος δοκεῖ εἶναι καὶ παρέχειν τινὰ τῷ γήμαντι φιλοτιμίαν μεθ᾽ ἡδονῆς. δεύτερος ὁ ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων' ὁ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν φαυλοτέρων πάνυ ἄτιμός τε καὶ ἄχρηστος ,Ῥομίξεται. τῷ τοίνυν τυράννῳ, ἂν μὴ ξένην γήμῃ, ἀνάγκη ἐκ μειόνων γαμεῖν, ὥστε τὸ ἀγαπητὸν οὐ πάνυ αὐτῷ παραγίγνεται. πολὺ δὲ καὶ αἱ θεραπεῖαι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν μέγιστον φρονουσῶν γυναικῶν εὐφραίνουσι μάλιστα, αἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν δούλων παροῦσαι. “μὲν οὐδέν τι ἀγαπῶνται, ἐὰν δέ τι ἐλλείπωσι, δεινὰς ὀργὰς καὶ λύπας ἐμποιοῦσιν. Ἔν δὲ τοῖς παιδικοῖς ἀφροδισίοις ἔ ἔτι αὖ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν τοῖς τεκνοποιοῖς μειονεκτεῖ τῶν εὐφροσυνῶν ὁ τύραννος. ὅτε μὲν γὰρ τὰ μετ᾽ ἔρωτος ἀφροδίσια πολὺ διαφερόντως εὐφραίνει, πάντες δήπου ἐπιστάμεθα. ὁ δὲ ἔρως πολὺ αὖ ἐθέλει ἥ ἥκιστα τῷ τυράννῳ ἐγγίγνεσθαι. οὐ γὰρ τῶν ἑτοίμων ἥδεται ὁ ἔρως ἐφιέμενος, ἀχλὰ τῶν ἐλπιξομένων. ὥσπερ, οὖν οὐκ dv! τις ἄπειρος ὧν δίψους τοῦ πιεῖν ἀπολαύοι, οὕτω᾽ καὶ ὁ ἄπειρος ὧν ἔρωτος ἄπειρός ἐστι τῶν ἡδίστων ἀφροδισίων. “Ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἱέρων οὕτως εἶπεν. ὁ δὲ Σιμωνίδης ἐπιγελάσας, Πῶς λέγεις, ἔφη, ὦ Ἱέρων ; τυράννῳ οὐ φὴς παιδικῶν ἔρωτας ἐμφύεσθαι; πῶς μὴν 1 οὐκ ἄν Stephanus: ef S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus, T2 HIERO, τ. 26-31 satisfaction of the carnal appetites were the only motive that produces in you the craving for despotism. For in this matter you are free to enjoy | ΡΣ that meets your eye." * [ assure you that we are worse off than private | | citizens in the matter to which you now refer. First take marriage. [t is commonly held that a marriage - into a family of greater wealth and influence is most honourable, and is a source of pride and pleasure to I the bridegroom. Next to that comes a marriage - with equals. A marriage with inferiors is considered . positively degrading and useless. Now unless a ! despot marries a foreign girl, he is bound to marry - beneath him; and so the thing to be desired does not come his w: way. And whereas it is exceedingly pleasant to receive the attentions of the proudest of ladies, the attentions of slaves are quite unappreci- ated when shown, and any little shortcomings pro- duce grievous outbursts of anger and annoyance. B^ In his relations with favourites, again, even much E: more than in his relations with women, the despot is ata disadvantage. We all know, I suppose, that : passion increases the sweets of love beyond measure. — Passion, however, is | very shy of entering the heart ? ofa despot, for passion is fain to desire not the easy - prize, but the hoped-for joy. Therefore, just as a . man who is a stranger to thirst can get no satisfaction out of drinking, so he who is a stranger to passion ἢ is a stranger to love's sweetest pleasures." - — To this speech of Hiero's Simonides replied, — laughing: 1 * How say you, Hiero? You deny that passion " Springs up in a despots heart? Then how about 13 28 29 30 31 32 34 36 37 38 XENOPHON συ, ἔφη, ἐρᾷς Δαϊλόχου τοῦ καλλίστου ἐπικαλου- μένου ; Ὅτι μὰ τὸν Δί᾽, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, οὐ τοῦ ἑτοίωου παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντος εἶναι τυχεῖν τούτου μάλιστα ἐπιθυμῶ, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἥκιστα τυράνν προσήκοντος κατεργάσασθαι. ἐγὼ γὰρ δὴ ἐρῶ μὲν Δαϊλόχου ὧνπερ ἴσως ἀναγκάζει ἡ φύσις ἀνθρώπου δεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν καλῶν, τούτων δὲ ὧν ἐρῶ τυχεῖν, μετὰ μὲν φιλίας καὶ παρὰ βουλομένου πάνυ ἰσχυρῶς ἐπιθυμῶ τυγχάνειν, βίᾳ δὲ λαμβάνειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἧττον ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἐπιθυμεῖν ἢ ἐμαυτὸν κακόν τι ποιεῖν. παρὰ μὲν γὰρ πολεμίων ἀκόντων λαμβάνειν πάντων ἥδιστον ἔγωγε νομίζω εἶναι, παρὰ δὲ παιδικῶν βουλομένων ἥδισται οἶμαι αἱ χάριτές εἰσιν. εὐθὺς γὰρ παρὰ τοῦ ἀντιφιλοῦντος ἡδεῖαι μὲν αἱ ἀντιβλέψεις, ἡδεῖαι δὲ αἱ ἐρωτήσεις, ἡδεῖαι δὲ αἱ ἀποκρίσεις, ἥδισται δὲ καὶ ἐπαφροδιτόταται αἱ μάχαι τε καὶ ἔριδες: τὸ δὲ ἀκόντων παιδικῶν ἀπολαύειν λεηλασίᾳ, ἔφη, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἐοικέναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἀφροδισίοις. καίτοι τῷ μὲν λῃστῇ παρέχει τινὰς ὅμως ἡδονὰς τό τε κέρδος καὶ τὸ ἀνιᾶν τὸν ἐχθρόν: τὸ δὲ οὗ ἂν ἐρᾷ τις τούτῳ ἥδεσθαι ἀνιωμένῳ καὶ φιλοῦντα μισεῖσθαι καὶ ἅπτεσθαι ἀχθομένου πῶς οὐχὶ τοῦτο ἤδη δυσχερὲς τὸ πάθημα καὶ οἰκτρόν ; καὶ γὰρ δὴ τῷ μὲν ἰδιώτῃ εὐθὺς τεκμήριόν ἐστιν, ὅταν ὁ ἐρώμενός τι ὑπουργῇ, ὅτε ὡς φιλῶν χαρίξεται, διὰ τὸ εἰδέναι, ὅτι οὐδεμιᾶς ἀνάγκης οὔσης ὑπηρετεῖ, τῷ δὲ τυράννῳ οὔποτ᾽ ἔστι πιστεῦσαι, ὡς φιλεῖται. ἐπιστάμεθα γὰρ τοὺς διὰ φόβον ὑπηρετοῦντας ὡς ἣ μάλιστ᾽ ἂν δύνωνται ἐξεικάζουσιν αὑτοὺς 14 go REC Y LJ HIERO, τ. 31-38 your passion for Dailochus, whom they call most fair ? ? LES - «Why, Simonides, the explanation, of course, is this : I desire to get from him not what I may have, apparently, for the asking, but that which a despot should be the last to take. The fact is, I desire of Dailochus just that which human nature, maybe, drives us to ask of the fair. But what I long to get, I very strongly desire to obtain by his goodwill, and with his consent; but I think I could sooner desire to do myself an injury than to take it from him by force. For to take from an enemy against his will is, I think, the greatest of all pleasures, but favours from a loved one are very pleasant, I fancy, only when he consents. For instance, if he is in sympathy with you, how pleasant are his looks, how pleasant his questions and his answers; how very pleasant and ravishing are the struggles and bicker- ings, But to take advantage of a favourite against his will seems to me more like brigandage than love. Nay, your brigand finds some pleasure in his gain and in hurting his foe ; but to feel pleasure in hurting one whom you love, to be hated for your affection, to disgust him by your touch, surely that is a mortifying experience and pitiful! The fact is, a private citizen has instant proof that any act ict of compliance on the part of his beloved is prompted by affection, since he knows that tlie service rendered is due. to no compulsion ; but the despot can never feel sure that he is loved. For we know that acts of service prompted by fear copy as closely as . ! rovs Dindorf: αὐτοὺς rovs S. : αὐτοὺς MSS. 15 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 XENOPHON ταῖς τῶν φιλούντων ὑπουργίαις. καὶ τοίνυν αἱ ἐπιβουλαὶ ἐξ οὐδένων πλέονες τοῖς τυράννοις εἰσὶν ἢ ἀπὸ τῶν μάλιστα φιλεῖν αὐτοὺς προσ ποιησαμένων. - II. IIpós ταῦτα δὲ εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν πάνυ ἔμοιγε μικρὰ δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἃ σὺ λέγεις. πολλοὺς γάρ, ἔφη, ἔγωγε ὁρῶ τῶν δοκούντων ἀνδρῶν εἶναι ἑκόντας μειονεκτοῦντας καὶ σίτων καὶ ποτῶν καὶ ὄψων καὶ ἀφροδισίων γε ἀπεχομένους. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνοις γε πολὺ διαφέρετε τῶν ἰδιωτῶν, ὅτε μεγάλα μὲν ἐπινοεῖτε, ταχὺ δὲ κατεργάζεσθε, πλεῖστα δὲ τὰ περιττὰ ἔχετε, κέκτησθε δὲ διαφέροντας μὲν ἀρετῇ ἵππους, διαφέροντα δὲ κάλλει ὅπλα, ὑπερέχοντα δὲ κόσμον γυναιξί, μεγαλοπρεπεστάτας δ᾽ οἰκίας καὶ ταύτας κατεσκευασμένας τοῖς πλείστου ἀξίοις, ἔτι δὲ πλήθει καὶ ἐπιστήμαις θερά- ποντας ἀρίστους κέκτησθε, ἱκανώτατοι δ᾽ é κακῶσαι μὲν ἐχθρούς, ὀνῆσαι δὲ φίλους. Πρὸς ταῦτα δὲ ὁ ἱἹέρων εἶπεν" ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ἐξαπατᾶσθαι ὑπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος οὐδέν τε θαυμάζω" μάλα γὰρ ὁ ὄχλος μοι δοκεῖ δοξάζειν ὁρῶν καὶ εὐδαίμονάς τίνας εἶναι καὶ ἀθλίους: ἡ δὲ τυραννὶς τὰ μὲν δοκοῦντα πολλοῦ ἄξια κτήματα εἶναι ἀνεπτυγ- μένα θεᾶσθαι πᾶσι παρέχεται, τὰ δὲ χαλεπὰ ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς τῶν τυράννων κέκτηται ἀποκεκρυμ- μένα, ἔνθαπερ καὶ τὸ εὐδαιμονεῖν kal, τὸ κακο- δαιμονεῖν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπόκειται. τὸ μὲν οὖν τὸ πλῆθος περὶ τούτου λεληθέναι, ὥσπερ εἶπον, οὐ θαυμάζω: τὸ δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς ταῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν, οἱ διὰ τῆς γνώμης θεᾶσθαι δοκεῖτε κάλλιον ἢ διὰ τῶν 16 HIERO, τ. 38-1. 5 possible the ministrations of affection. Indeed, even plots against despots as often as not are the work of those who profess the deepest affection for them." II. To this Simonides replied : * Well, the points that you raise seem to me mere trifles. For I notice that many respected men willingly go short in the matter of meat and drink and delicacies, and deliber- ately abstain from sexual indulgence. But I will 3 show you where you have a great advantage over private citizens. Your objects are vast, your attain- ment swift: you have luxuries in abundance: you own horses unequalled in excellence, arms unmatched in beauty, superb jewelry for women, stately houses full of costly furniture: moreover you have servants many in number and excellent in accomplishments and you are rich in power to harm enemies and reward friends." To this Hiero answered: * Well, Simonides, 3 that the multitude should be deceived by despotic power surprises me not^at all, since the mob seems to guess wholly by appearances that one man is happy, another miserable. Despotism flaunts its 4 seeming precious Measure outspread mss. Me the E p- —" gi mper ou SEPIUS SU y INCIPERE: mE EM slc cealed in the heart - the despot, in. the p Slens where human happiness and unhappiness are stored away. That this escapes the observation of the multitude I 5 say, I am not surprised. But what does seem sur- " prising to me is that men like | you, whose intelli- gence is supposed to give you a clearer view of 17 SS 10 1 XENOPHON ὀφθαλμῶν Trà πλεῖστα τῶν πραγμάτων, τοῦτό μοι δοκεῖ θαυμαστὸν εἶναι. ἐγὼ δὲ πεπειραμένος σαφῶς οἶδα, ὦ Σεμωνίδη, καὶ λέγω σοι, ὅτι οἱ τύραννοι τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν ἐλάχιστα μετέ- χουσι, τῶν δὲ μεγίστων κακῶν πλεῖστα κέκτην- ται. αὐτίκα γὰρ εἰ μὲν εἰρήνη δοκεῖ μέγα ἀγαθὸν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις εἶναι, ταύτης ἐλάχιστον τοῖς τυράννοις μέτεστιν: εἰ δὲ πόλεμος μέγα κακόν, τούτου πλεῖστον μέρος οἱ τύραννοι μετέ- χουσιν. εὐθὺς γὰρ τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις, ἂν μὴ ἡ πόλις αὐτῶν κοινὸν πόλεμον πολεμῇ, ἔξεστιν ὅποι ἂν βούλωνται πορεύεσθαι μηδὲν φοβου- μένους, μή τις αὐτοὺς ἀποκτείνῃ, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι πάντες πανταχῆ ὡς διὰ πολεμίας πορεύονται. αὐτοί τε γοῦν ὡπλισμένοι οἴονται ἀνάγκην εἶναι διάγειν καὶ ἄλλους ὁπλοφόρους ἀεὶ συμπεριάγε- σθαι. Ἔπειτα δὲ οἱ μὲν ἰδιῶται, ἐὰν καὶ στρα- τεύωνταί ποι εἰς πολεμίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐπειδάν γε ἔλθωσιν οἴκαδε, ἀσφάλειαν σφίσιν ἡγοῦνται εἶναι, οἱ δὲ τύραννοι ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πόλιν ἀφίκωνται, τότε ἐν πλείστοις πολεμίοις ἴσασιν ὄντες. ἐὰν δὲ δὴ καὶ ἄλλοι στρατεύωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν κρείττονες, ἐὰν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ὄντες οἱ ἥττονες ἐν κινδύνῳ δοκῶσιν εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδάν γε εἴσω τοῦ ἐρύματος ἔλθωσιν, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ πάντες νομίξουσι καθεστάναι, ὁ δὲ τύραννος οὐδ᾽ ἐπειδὰν εἴσω τῆς οἰκίας παρέλθῃ ἐν ἀκινδύνῳ ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ μάλιστα φυλακτέον οἴεται εἶναι. ἔπειτα τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις καὶ διὰ σπονδῶν καὶ δι᾿ εἰρήνης γίγνεται πολέμου ἀνάπαυσις, τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις οὔτε εἰρήνη ποτὲ 18 R--———————— VM 4 ammi —À t - gr Y smith Tue ^ VR Ls SER PRIERARIT ICI ni "ρα AIe ΟΣ νεναν» T8 me a shirt σα art HIERO, ir. 5-11 most things than your eyes, should be equally blind to it. But 1 know well enough by exper- 6 ience, Simonides, and I tell you that despots get the smallest share of the greatest blessings, and have most of the greatest evils.: Thus, for instance, if peace is held to be a great blessing to mankind, very little of it falls to the share of despots : if war is a great evil, of that despots receive the largest share. To begin with, so long as their state is not engaged in a war in which all take part, private citizens are free to go wherever they choose without fear of being killed. But all despots move every- where as in an enemy's country ; at any rate they think . they are bound to wear arms continually themselves, and to take an armed escort about with them at all times. * Secondly, in the event of an expedition against an enemy's country, private citizens at least think themselves safe as soon as they have come home. But when despots reach their own city, they know that they are now among more enemies than ever. Again, suppose that strangers invade their city in superior force; true, the weaker are conscious of danger while they are outside the walls; yet once they are inside the fortress, all feel themselves bestowed in safety. But the despot is not out of danger even when he passes within the palace gates; nay, it is just there that he thinks he must walk most warily. Once again, to private citizens a truce or peace brings rest from war; but despots are never at peace with the people subject to their 19 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 XENOPHON πρὸς τοὺς TVpavvevovpuévovs γίγνεται οὔτε σπον- δαῖς ἄν ποτε πιστεύσας ὁ τύραννος θαρρήσειε. Καὶ πόλεμοι μὲν δή εἰσιν οὕς τε αἱ πόλεις πολεμοῦσι καὶ οὺς οἱ τύραννοι πρὸς τοὺς βεβιασ- μένους" τούτων δὴ τῶν πολέμων ὅσα μὲν ἔχει αλεπὰ ὁ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι, ταῦτα καὶ ὁ τύραννος ἔχει" καὶ γὰρ ἐν ὅπλοις δεῖ εἶναι ἀμφοτέρους καὶ φυλάττεσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν, καὶ ἄν τι πάθωσι κακὸν ἡττηθέντες, λυποῦνται ἐπὶ τούτοις ἑκάτεροι. μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτου ἴσοι οἱ πόλεμοι: ἃ δὲ ἔχουσιν ἡδέα οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς τὰς πόλεις ταῦτα οὐκ ἔτι ἔχουσιν οἱ τύραννοι. αἱ μὲν γὰρ πόλεις δήπου ὅταν κρατήσωσι μάχῃ τῶν ἐναντίων, οὐ ῥάδιον εἰπεῖν, ὅσην μὲν ἡδονὴν ἔχουσιν ἐν τῷ τρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ὅσην δ᾽ ἐν τῷ διώκειν, ὅσην δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ἀποκτείνειν τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς δὲ γαυροῦνται ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ, ὡς δὲ δόξαν λαμπρὰν ἀναλαμβάνουσιν, ὡς δ᾽ εὐφραί- νονται τὴν πόλιν νομίζοντες ηὐξηκέναι. ἕκαστος δέ τις προσποιεῖται καὶ τῆς βουλῆς μετεσχηκέναι καὶ πλείστους ἀπεκτονέναι, χαλεπὸν δὲ εὑρεῖν ὅπου οὐχὶ καὶ ἐπιψεύδονται, πλέονας φάσκοντες ἀπεκτονέναι ἢ ὅσοι ἂν τῷ ὄντι ἀποθάνωσιν" οὕτω καλόν τι αὐτοῖς δοκεῖ εἶναι τὸ πολὺ νικᾶν. ὁ δὲ τύραννος ὅταν ὑποπτεύσῃ καὶ αἰσθανόμενος τῷ ὄντι ἀντιπραττομένους τινὰς ἀποκτείνῃ, οἶδεν, ὅτι οὐκ αὔξει ὅλην τὴν πόλιν, ἐπίσταταί τε, ὅτι μειόνων ἄρξει, φαιδρός τε οὐ δύναται εἶναι οὐδὲ μεγαλύνεται ἐπὶ τῷ ἔργῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ μειοῖ καθ᾽ ὅσον ἂν δύνηται τὸ γεγενημένον καὶ ἀπολογεῖται 1 4e, in the wars that he wages against his subjects. "The whole of this paragraph is obscurely expressed and highly 20 νυν HIERO, mn. 11-17 dosiotiem, and no truce can ever make a despot confident, *'lThere are, of course, wars that are waged by . states against one another, and wars waged by the despot against his oppressed subjects. Now the hardships incidental to these wars that fall on the citizen fall also on the despot. For both must wear arms, be watchful, run risks; and the sting of a defeat is felt by both alike. So far, then, both are equally affected by wars. But the joys that fall to the citizens of states at war are not experienced by despots.! For, you know, when states defeat their foes in a battle, words {3} one to describe the joy they feel in the rout of the enemy, in the pursuit, in the slaughter of the enemy. What transports of triumphant pride! What a halo of glory about them! | What comfort to think that they have exalted their city! Everyone is crying : * [ had a share in the plan, I killed most'; and it's hard to find where they don't revel in falsehood, claiming to have killed more than all that were really slain. So glorious it seems to them to have won a great victory! But when a despot harbours sus- picion, and, well aware that opposition ^is on foot, puts the conspirators to death, he knows that he does not exalt the city as a whole; he understands that the number of his subjects will be less; he cannot look cheerful; nor.does he boast himself of his achievement; nay, he belittles the occurrence as much as possible, and id explains, while he is at the work, that there is nothing artificial ; and it has been variously interpreted. The text also is uncertain. 21 12 17 XENOPHON ἅμα πράττων, ὡς οὐκ ἀδικῶν πεποίηκεν. οὕτως οὐδ᾽ αὐτῷ δοκεῖ καλὰ τὰ ποιούμενα εἶναι. καὶ ὅταν ἀποθάνωσιν obs ἐφοβήθη, οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον τούτου θαρρεῖ, ἀλλὰ φυλάττεται ἔ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ πρόσθεν. καὶ πόλεμον “μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἔχων διατελεῖ ὁ τύραννος, ὃν ἐγὼ δηλῶ. ΗΙ. Φιλίας δ᾽ αὖ καταθέασαι ὡς κοινωνοῦσιν οἱ τύραννοι. πρῶτον μὲν εἰ μέγα ἀγαθὸν ἀνθρώ- ποις ἡ φιλία, τοῦτο ἐπισκεψώμεθα. ὃς γὰρ ἂν φιλῆται δήπου ὑπό τινων, ἡδέως μὲν “Τοῦτον οἱ φιλοῦντες παρόντα ὁρῶσιν, ἡδέως δ᾽ εὖ ποιοῦσι, ποθοῦσι $é, ἄν που ἀπῇ, ἥδιστα δὲ πάλεν προσιόντα δέχονται, συνήδονται δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἀγαθοῖς, συνεπικουροῦσι δέ, ἐάν τι σφαλλόμενον ὁρῶσιν. οὐ μὲν δὴ λέληθεν οὐδὲ τὰς πόλεις, ὅτι ἡ φιλία μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἥδιστον ἀνθρώποις ἐστί: “μόνους γοῦν τοὺς “μοιχοὺς νομίξουσι πολ- λαὶ τῶν πόλεων νηποινὶ ἀποκτείνειν, δῆλον ὅτι διὰ ταῦτα ὅτι λυμαντῆρας αὐτοὺς νομίζουσι τῆς τῶν γυναικῶν φιλίας πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας εἶναι. ἐπεὶ ὅταν γε ἀφροδισιασθῇ κατὰ συμφοράν τινα γυνή, οὐδὲν ἧττον τούτου ἕνεκεν τιμῶσιν αὐτὰς οἱ ἄνδρες, ἐάνπερ ἡ φιλία δοκῇ αὐταῖς ἀκήρατος διαμένειν. τοσοῦτον δέ τε ἀγαθὸν κρίνω ἔγωγε τὸ φιλεῖσθαι εἶναι. ὥστε νομίζω τῷ ὄντι αὐτόματα τἀγαθὰ τῷ φιλουμένῳ γίγνεσθαι καὶ παρὰ θεῶν καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώπων. Καὶ τούτου τοίνυν τοῦ κτήματος τοιούτου ὄντος μειονεκτοῦσιν οἱ τύραννοι πάντων μάλιστα. εἰ 1 CWwropaed/a, 1. vi. 24. * ἐπεὶ should be rendered *'though," not *'since" here, 22 ago tme enam om ""ErPaP μων am CRI Ii, ἣν A UN HIERO, π΄ 17-u1. 6 wrong in what he has done, so far are his deeds from seeming honourable even to himself. Even 18 the death of those whom he feared does not restore him to confidence; he is yet more on his guard afterwards than before. And now I have shown you the kind of war that a despot wages continually. IHI. * Turn next to friendship, and behold how despots share in it. First let us consider whether friendship is a great blessing to mankind. When a 2 man is loved by friends, I take it, they rejoice at his presence, delight to do him good, miss him when he is absent, greet him most joyfully on his return, rejoice with him in his good fortune, unite in aiding him when they see him tripping.! Even states are 3 not blind to the fact that friendship is a very great blessing, and very delightful to men. At any rate, many states have a law that adulterers only may be put to death with impunity, obviously for this reason, because they believe them to be destroyers - ofthe wife's friendship with her husband ; although,? 4 when a woman's lapse is the result of some accident, husbands do not honour their wives any less on that account, provided that wives seem to reserve their - affection unblemished. In my judgment, to be 5 loved isa blessing so precious that 1 believe good things fall literally of themselves on him who is loved from gods and men alike. * Such, then, is the nature of this. possession—a 6 possession wherein despots above all other men are for it introduces a reason why one might suppose that there would be some restriction on the right to kill an adulterer, and not the reason why all adulterers may be killed with impunity. Compare, for instance, Plato, Protagoras, 335 C. The **accident" is, of course, rape. 23 7 oo e XENOPHON δὲ βούλει, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, εἰδέναι, ὅτε ἀληθῆ λέγω, ὧδε ἐπίσκεψαι. βεβαιόταται μὲν γὰρ δήπου δοκοῦσι φιλίαι εἶναι γονεῦσι πρὸς παῖδας καὶ παισὶ πρὸς γονέας καὶ ἀδελφοῖς πρὸς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ γυναιξὶ πρὸς ἄνδρας καὶ ἑταίροις πρὸς ἑταίρους. εἰ τοίνυν ἐθέλεις κατανοεῖν, εὑρήσεις μὲν τοὺς ἰδιώτας ὑπὸ τούτων μάλιστα φιλου- μένους, τοὺς δὲ τυράννους πολλοὺς μὲν παῖδας ἑαυτῶν ἀπεκτονότας, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὸ παίδων αὐτοὺς ἀπολωλότας, πολλοὺς δὲ ἀδελφοὺς ἐν τυραννίσιν ἀλληλοφόνους γεγενημένους, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ γυναικῶν τῶν ἑαυτῶν τυράννους διεφθαρμένους καὶ ὑπὸ ἑταίρων γε τῶν μάλιστα δοκούντων φίλων εἶναι. οἵτινες οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν φύσει πεφυκότων μάλιστα φιλεῖν καὶ νόμῳ συνηναγκασμένων οὕτω μισοῦνται, πῶς ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου γέ τινος οἴεσθαι χρὴ αὐτοὺς φιλεῖσθαι ; IV. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ πίστεως ὅστις ἐλάχιστον μετέχει, πῶς οὐχὶ μεγάλου ἀγαθοῦ μειονεκτεῖ ; ποία μὲν γὰρ συνουσία ἡδεῖα ἄνευ πίστεως τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ποία δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ καὶ γυναικὶ τερπνὴ ἄνευ πίστεως ὁμιλία, ποῖος δὲ θεράπων ἡδὺς ἀπιστούμενος ; καὶ τούτου τοίνυν τοῦ πιστῶς πρός τινας ἔχειν ἐλάχιστον μέτεστι τυράννῳ" ὁπότε γε οὐδὲ σιτίοις καὶ ποτοῖς πιστεύων διάγει, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων, πρὶν ἀπάρχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς, τοὺς διακόνους πρῶτον κελεύουσιν ἀπογεύσασθαι διὰ τὸ ἀπιστεῖν, μὴ καὶ ἐν τούτοις κακόν τι φάγωσιν ἢ πίωσιν. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ αἱ πατρίδες τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις πλείστου... ἄξιαι. πολῖται γὰρ δορυφοροῦσι μὲν ἀλλήλους ἄνευ μισθοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς δούλους, δορυφοροῦσι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς 24 — T ————É— HIERO, mn. 6-iv. 3 the truth, Simonides, consider the question in this way. The firmest friendships, I take it, are sup- 7 posed to be those that unite parents to children, children to parents, wives to. husbands, comrades to comrades. Now you will find, if you will but 8 observe, that private citizens are, in fact, loved most deeply by these. But what of despots ? Many have slain their own children; many have themselves been murdered by their children; many brothers, ers in despotism, have perished by each other's hand; many have been destroyed even by their own wives, aye, and by comrades whom they accounted their closest friends. Seeing, then, 9 that they are so hated by those who are bound by natural ties and constrained by custom to love them most, how are we to suppose that they are loved by any other being ? IV. *Next take confidence. Surely he who has very little of that is stinted in a great blessing? What companionship is pleasant without mutual trust? What intercourse between husband and wife is delightful without confidence? — What squire is pleasant if he is not trusted? Now of this con- 2 fidence in others despots enjoy the smallest share. They go in constant suspicion even of their meat and drink; they bid their servitors taste them first, before the libation is offered to the gods, because of their misgiving that they may sup poison in the dish or the bowl. Again, to all other men their 3 fatherland is very precious. For citizens ward one another without pay from their slaves and from | stinted. If you want to know that I am speaking | ] j * 1 Α | I | 1 See Introduction. 25 6 oo XENOPHON κακούργους ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν Bia θανάτῳ ἀποθνήσκειν. οὕτω δὲ πόρρω προεληλύ- θασι φυλακῆς, ὥστε πεποίηνται πολλοὶ νόμον τῷ μιαιφόνῳ μηδὲ τὸν συνόντα καθαρεύειν: ὥστε διὰ τὰς πατρίδας ἀσφαλῶς ἕκαστος βιοτεύει τῶν πολιτῶν. τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις καὶ τοῦτο ἔμπαλιν ἀνέστραπται. ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ τιμωρεῖν αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις μεγάλως τιμῶσι τὸν ἀποκτείναντα τὸν τύραννον, καὶ ἀντί γε τοῦ εἴργειν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν, ὥσπερ τοὺς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν φονέας, ἀντὶ τούτου καὶ εἰκόνας ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱστᾶσιν αἱ πόλεις τῶν τοῦτο ποιησάντων. Εἰ δὲ σὺ οἴει, ὡς πλείω ἔχων τῶν ἰδιωτῶν κτή- ματα ὁ τύραννος διὰ τοῦτο καὶ πλείω ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν εὐφραίνεται, οὐδὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ ἀθληταὶ αὐχ ὅταν ἰδιωτῶν γένων- ται κρείττονες, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοὺς εὐφραίνει, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν ἥττους, τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀνιᾷ, οὕτω καὶ ὁ τύραννος οὐχ ὅταν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν πλείω φαίνηται ἔχων, τότ᾽ εὐφραίνεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἑτέ- pov τυράννων ἐλάττω ἔχῃ, τούτῳ λυπεῖται" τού- τους γὰρ ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἡγεῖται αὑτῷ τοῦ πλούτου εἶναι. οὐδέ γε θᾶττόν τι γίγνεται τῷ τυράννῳ ἤ τῷ ἰδιώτῃ ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖ. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἰδιώτης οἰκίας ἢ ἀγροῦ ἢ οἰκέτου ἐπιθυμεῖ, ὁ δὲ τύραννος ἢ πόλεων ἢ χώρας πολλῆς ἢ λιμένων ἢ ἀκροπόλεων ἰσχυ- ρῶν, ἅ ἐστι πολὺ χαλεπώτερα καὶ ἐπικινδυνότερα κατεργάσασθαι τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν ἐπιθυμημάτων. ἀλλὰ μέντοι καὶ πένητας ὄψει' οὕτως ὀλίγους τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὡς πολλοὺς τῶν τυράννων. οὐ γὰρ ^ , ^ » ^ ^ , » ^ TQ ἀριθμῷ οὔτε τὰ πολλὰ κρίνεται οὔτε τὰ 26 " mi "ote cm mPrhaK τὴτ." ᾿ το Oo an HIERO, iv. 3-8 evildoers, to the end that none of the citizens may perish by a violent death. They have gone so far 4 in measures of precaution that many have made a law whereby even the companion of the bloodguilty is deemed impure ; and so—thanks to the fatherland —every citizen lives in security. But for despots 5 the position is the reverse in this case too. Instead of avenging them, the cities heap honours on the slayer of the despot; and, whereas they exclude - the murderers of private persons from the temples, Pug m παν Ἄρτον & qme It C abore at DEF the cities, so far from treating assassins in the same manner, actually put up statues of them in the holy places. * [f you suppose that just because he has more 6 possessions than the private citizen, the despot gets more enjoyment out of them, this is not so either, Simonides. Trained athletes feel no pleasure when . they prove superior to amateurs, but they are cut to the quick when they are beaten by a rival athlete; in like manner the despot feels no pleasure when he is seen to possess more than private citizens, but is vexed when he has less than other despots; for he regards them as his rivals in wealth. Nor even 7 does the despot gain the object of his desire any quicker than the private citizen. For the private citizen desires a house or a farm or a servant; but the despot covets cities or wide territory or harbours or strong citadels, and these are far more difficult and perilous to acquire than the objects that attract the citizen. And, moreover, you wil find that even8 “ - poverty is rarer among private citizens than among despots. For much and little are to be measured not ! ὄψει οὐχ S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus: οὔχ was removed by Bremi. - 27 ι ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ ὀλίγα, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς χρήσεις" ὥστε τὰ μὲν ὑπερβάλλοντα τὰ ἱκανὰ πολλά ἐστι, τὰ δὲ τῶν ἱκανῶν ἐλλείποντα ὀλίγα. τῷ οὖν τυράννῳ τὰ πολλαπλάσια ἧττον ἱκανά ἐστιν εἰς τὰ ἀναγκαῖα δαπανήματα ἢ τῷ ἰδιώτῃ. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἰδιώταις ἔξεστι τὰς δαπάνας συντέμνειν εἰς τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμέ- ραν, ὅπῃ βούλονται, τοῖς δὲ τυράννοις οὐκ ἐνδέ- χεται. αἱ yàp. μέγισται αὐτοῖς δαπάναι καὶ ἀναγκαιόταται εἰς τὰς τῆς ψυχῆς φυλακάς εἰσι" τὸ δὲ τούτων συντέμνειν ὄλεθρος δοκεῖ εἶναι. ἔπειτα δὲ ὅσοι μὲν δύνανται ἔχειν ἀπὸ τοῦ δικαίου ὅσων δέονται, τί ἂν τούτους οἰκτείροι τις ὡς πένητας ; ὅσοι δ᾽ ἀναγκάζονται δι’ ἔνδειαν κακόν τι καὶ αἰσχρὸν μηχανώμενοι ζῆν, πῶς οὐ τούτους ἀθλίους àv τις καὶ πένητας δικαίως καλοίη ; οἱ τύραννοι τοίνυν ἀναγκάζονται πλεῖστα συλᾶν ἀδίκως καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπους διὰ τὸ εἰς τὰς ἀναγκαίας δαπάνας ἀεὶ προσδεῖσθαι χρημάτων. ὥσπερ γὰρ πολέμου ὄντος ἀεὶ ἀναγκάζονται στράτευμα τρέφειν ἢ ἀπολωλέναι. Υ. Χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἐρῶ σοι καὶ ἄλλο πάθημα, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, τῶν τυράννων. γιγνώσκουσι μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν ἰδιωτῶν τοὺς ἀλκίμους 5 τε καὶ σοφοὺς καὶ δικαίους. τούτους δ᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἄγασθαι φοβοῦνται, τοὺς μὲν ἀνδρείους, μή τε τολμήσωσι τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἕνεκεν, τοὺς δὲ σοφούς, μή τι μηχανήσωνται, τοὺς δὲ δικαίους, μὴ ἐπιθυμήσῃ τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ αὑτῶν προστατεῖσθαι. ὅταν δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους διὰ τὸν φόβον ὑπεξαιρῶνται, τίνες ἄλλοι αὐτοῖς καταλείπονται χρῆσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἢ οἱ ἄδικοί τε καὶ ἀκρατεῖς καὶ ἀνδραποδώδεις ; οἱ μὲν ἄδικοι πιστευόμενοι, διότι φοβοῦνται ὥσπερ 28 —— — T5155 di t mcd. HIERO, iv. 8-v. 2 by number, but in relation to the owner's needs; . so that what is more than enough is much, and - what is less than enough is little. Therefore, the 9 - despot with his abundance of wealth has less to . meet his necessary expenses than the private citizen. - For while private citizens can cut down the daily expenditure as they please, despots cannot, since the - largest items in their expenses and the most essential . are the sums they spend on the life-guards, and to - eurtail any of these means ruin. Besides, when men can have all they need by honest means, why pity - them as though they were poor? May not those - who through want of money are driven to evil and . unseemly expedients in order to live, more justly be . aecounted wretched and poverty-stricken? — Now, despots are not seldom forced into the crime of robbing temples and their fellow men through chronic want of . eash to meet their necessary expenses. Living, as it were, in a perpetual state of war, they are forced to maintain an army, or they perish. V. * Despots are oppressed by yet another trouble, Simonides, which I will tell you of. They - recognize a stout-hearted, a wise or an upright man as easily as private citizens do. But instead of - admiring such men, they fear them, —the brave lest they strike a bold stroke for freedom, the wise lest they hatch a plot, the upright lest the people - desire them for leaders. When they get rid of such 2 men through fear, who are left for their use, save only the unrighteous, the vicious and the servile, — - the unrighteous being trusted because, like the ! ὀλίγα Coppello : ixavá S. with the MSS. and Stobaeus. * ἀλκίμους Stobaeus : κοσμίους S. with the MSS. 29 XENOPHON οἱ τύραννοι τὰς πόλεις μήποτε ἐλεύθεραι γενό- μεναι, ἐγκρατεῖς αὐτῶν γένωνται, οἱ δ᾽ ἀκρατεῖς τῆς εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἐξουσίας ἕ ἕνεκα, οἱ δ᾽ ἀνδραπδδώ- ew. διότι οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐλεύθεροι εἶναι. αλεπὸν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πάθημα ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ bu. τὸ ἄλλους μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἄλλοις δὲ χρῆσθαι ἀναγκάξεσθαι. 3 - Ἔπι δὲ φιλόπολιν μὲν ἀνάγκη. καὶ τὸν τύραννον εἶναι" ἄνευ γὰρ τῆς πόλεως οὔτ᾽ ἂν σώξεσθαι δύναιτο οὔτ᾽ ἂν εὐδαιμονεῖν: ἡ δὲ τυραννὶς ἀναγ- κάζει καὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πατρίσιν ἐγκαλεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ ἀλκίμους οὔτ᾽ εὐόπλους χαίρουσι τοὺς πολί- τας παρασκευάζοντες, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ξένους δεινοτέ- povs τῶν πολιτῶν ποιοῦντες ἥδονται μᾶλλον καὶ τούτοις χρῶνται δορυφόροις. ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἂν εὐετηριῶν γενομένων ἀφθονία τῶν ἀγαθῶν γίγνη- ται, οὐδὲ τότε συγχαίρει ὁ τύραννος. ἐνδεεσ- τέροις γὰρ οὖσι ταπεινοτέροις αὐτοῖς οἴονται ῆσθαι. VI. Βούλομαι δέ σοι, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, κἀ- κείνας τὰς εὐφροσύνᾶς δηλῶσαι, ὅσαις ἐγὼ χρώμενος, ὅτ᾽ ἣν ἰδιώτης, νῦν ἐπειδὴ τύραννος ἐγενόμην, αἰσθάνομαι “στερόμενος αὐτῶν. ἐγὼ γὰρ συνῆν μὲν ἡλικιώταις ἡδόμενος, ἡδομένοις ἐμοί, συνῆν δὲ ἐμαυτῷ, ὁπότε ἡσυχίας ἐπιθυ- μήσαιμι, διῆγον δ᾽ ἐν συμποσίοις πολλάκις μὲν μέχρι τοῦ ἐπελαθέσθαι πάντων εἴ τι χαλεπὸν ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῳ βίῳ ἢ ἦν, πολλάκις δὲ μέχρι τοῦ QOaís τε καὶ θαλίαις καὶ οροῖς τὴν ψυχὴν συγκατα- μεγνύναι, πολλάκις E μέχρι κοίτης ! ἐπιθυμίας 3 ἐμῆς τε καὶ τῶν παρόντων. νῦν δὲ ἀπεστέρημαι μὲν τῶν ἡδομένων ἐμοὶ διὰ τὸ δούλους ἀντὶ φίλῶν 30 » to —'——. MO; HIERO, v. 2-vi. 3 despots, they fear that the cities may some day shake off the yoke and prove their masters, the vicious on account of the licence they enjoy as things are, the servile because even they themselves have no desire forfreedom? This too, then, is a heavy trouble, in my opinion, to see the good in some men, and yet perforce to employ others. .. * Furthermore, even a despot must needs love his city,for without the city he can enjoy neither safety nor happiness. But despotism forces him to find fault even with his fatherland. For he has no pleasure in seeing that the citizens are stout-hearted and well armed; rather he delights to make the foreigners more formidable than the citizens, and these he employs as a body-guard. Again, even - when favourable seasons yield abundance of good - things, the despot is a stranger to the general joy ; for the needier the people, the humbler he thinks to find them. VI. * But now, Simonides," he continued, * I want to show you all those delights that were mine when I was a private citizen, but which I now find are withheld from me since the day I became a despot. I communed with my fellows then: they pleased me — and I pleased them. | communed with myself | whenever I desired rest. I passed the time in carousing, often till I forgot all the troubles of mortal life, often till my soul was absorbed in songs — and revels and dances, often till the desire of sleep fell on me and all the company. But now I am cut off from those who had pleasure in me, since slaves Σ T ? D RUSTTLCNE iw l κρίτης Hermann : κοινῇς S. with the MSS, 31 XENOPHON ὄχειν τοὺς ἑταίρους, ἀπεστέρημαι δ᾽ αὐτὸς τοῦ ἡδέως ἐκείνοις ὁμιλεῖν διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἐνορᾶν εὔνοιαν ἐμοὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν: μέθην δὲ καὶ ὕπνον 4 ὁμοίως ἐνέδρᾳ φυλάττομαι. τὸ δὲ φοβεῖσθαι μὲν ὄχλον, φοβεῖσθαι δ᾽ ἐρημίαν, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ ἀφυ- λαξίαν, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ αὐτοὺς τοὺς φυλάττον- Tas καὶ μήτ᾽ ἀόπλους ἔχειν ἐθέλειν περὶ αὑτὸν μήθ᾽ ὡπλισμένους ἡδέως θεᾶσθαι πῶς οὐκ ἀργα- 5 λέον ἐστὶ πρᾶγμα ; ἔτι δὲ ξένοις μὲν μᾶλλον 1, πολίταις πιστεύειν, βαρβάροις δὲ μᾶλλον j Ἕλλησιν, ἐπιθυμεῖν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐλευθέρους δού- λους ἔχειν, τοὺς δὲ δούλους ἀναγκάζεσθαι ποιεῖν ἐλευθέρους, οὐ πάντα σοι ταῦτα δοκεῖ ψυχῆς ὑπὸ 6 φόβων καταπεπληγμένης τεκμήρια εἶναι ; ὅ γέ τοι φόβος οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς ἐνὼν ταῖς ψυχαῖς λυπηρός ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντων τῶν ἡδέων συμπαρακολουθῶν λυμεὼν γίγνεται. 1 Ei δὲ καὶ σὺ πολεμικῶν ἔμπειρος εἶ, ὦ Xipo- νίδη, καὶ ἤδη ποτὲ πολεμίᾳ φάλαγγι πλησίον ἀντετάξω, ἀναμνήσθητι, ποῖον μέν τινα σῖτον ἡροῦ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ποῖον δέ τινα ὕπνον 8 ἐκοιμῶ. οἷα μέντοι σοὶ τότ᾽ ἣν τὰ λυπηρά, τοι- a)Tá ἐστι τὰ τῶν τυράννων καὶ ἔτι δεινότερα" οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἐναντίας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντοθεν πολε- μίους ὁρᾶν νομίζουσιν οἱ τύραννοι. 9 Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ Σιμωνίδης ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν: Ὕπέρευ μοι δοκεῖς ἔνια λέγειν. ὁ γὰρ πόλεμος φοβερὸν μέν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως, ὦ ἹἹέρων, ἡμεῖς γε ὅταν ὧμεν ἐν στρατείᾳ, φύλακας προκαθιστά- μενοι θαρραλέως δείπνου τε καὶ ὕπνου λαγχά- νομεν. 10 Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων ἔφη: Ναὶ μὰ Δία, ὦ Σιεμωνίδη" 3? 2B CM ui hti S M ri HIERO, vi. 3-10 instead of friends are my comrades ; | am cut off from my pleasant intercourse with them, since I see in them no sign of good-will towards me. Drink and sleep I avoid as a snare. To fear a crowd, and 4 yet fear solitude, to fear to go unguarded, and yet fear the very men who guard you, to recoil from attendants unarmed and yet dislike to see them armed— surely that is a cruel predicament! And 5 then, to trust foreigners more than citizens, strangers more than Greeks, to long to keep free men slaves, and yet be forced t to make slaves free—do you not think that all these are sure tokens of a soul that is crushed with fear?! Fear, you know, is not 6 only painful in itself by reason of its presence in the soul, but by haunting us even in our pleasures it spoils them utterly. * |f, like me, you are acquainted with war, 7 Simonides, and ever had the enemy's battle-line close in front of you, call to to mind what sort of f food are PUR as you suffered then. Nay, they are still more terrible; for despots believe that they see enemies not in front alone, but all around them." To this Simonides made answer: *'Excellent 9 Ewa. in part, I grant! ! War is indeed a fearsome ces service, is this: we post sentries. to | to guard us, and sup and sleep with a good courage. "Then Hiero answered : * No doubt you do, 10 1 Cyropaedia, 111. i. 27; 33 VOL. 1I. Ω 1 13 14 15 XENOPHON . αὐτῶν μὲν γὰρ προφυλάττουσιν oi νόμοι, ὥστε περὶ ἑαυτῶν φοβοῦνται καὶ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν oi δὲ τύραννοι μισθοῦ φύλακας ἔχουσιν ὥσπερ θερισ- τάς. καὶ δεῖ μὲν δήπου τοὺς φύλακας μηδὲν οὕτω ποιεῖν δύνασθαι ὡς πιστοὺς «εἶναι πιστὸν δὲ ἕνα πολὺ χαλεπώτερον εὑρεῖν ἢ πάνυ πολλοὺς ἐργάτας ὁποίου βούλει ἔργου, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὁπόταν χρημάτων μὲν ἕνεκα παρῶσιν οἱ φυλάτ- τοντες, ἐξῇ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πολὺ πλείω λαβεῖν ἀποκτείνασι τὸν τύραννον ἢ ὅσα πολὺν χρόνον φυλάττοντες παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου λαμβάνουσιν. ^O δ᾽ ébjXecas ἡμᾶς, ὡς τοὺς μὲν φίλους μάλιστα εὖ ποιεῖν δυνάμεθα, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐχθροὺς πάντων μάλιστα χειρούμεθα, οὐδὲ ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει. φίλους μὲν γὰρ πῶς ἂν νομίσαις ποτὲ εὖ ποιεῖν, ὅταν εὖ εἰδῆς, ὅτι ὁ τὰ πλεῖστα λαμβά- νων παρὰ σοῦ ἥδιστ᾽ ἂν ὡς τάχιστα ἐξ ὀφθαλ- μῶν σου γένοιτο; ὅ τι γὰρ ἄν τις λάβῃ παρὰ τυράννου, οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἑαυτοῦ νομίζει, πρὶν ἂν ἔξω τῆς τούτου ἐπικρατείας γένηται. ἐχθροὺς δ᾽ αὖ πῶς ἂν φαίης μάλιστα τοῖς τυράννοις ἐξεῖναι χειροῦσθαι, ὅταν εὖ εἰδῶσιν, ὅτι ἐχθροὶ αὐτῶν εἰσὶ πάντες οἱ τυραννούμενοι, τούτους δὲ μήτε κατακαίνειν ἅπαντας μήτε δεσμεύειν. οἷόν Te jJ τίνωνγ àp ἔτι ἄρξει; ἀλλ᾽ εἰδότας," ὅτι ἐχθροί εἰσι, τούτους ἅμα μὲν φυλάττεσθαι δέῃ καὶ χρῆσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναγκάζεσθαι ; εὖ δ᾽ ἴσθι καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ Σιμωνιδη, ὅτι καὶ οὃς τῶν πολιτῶν δεδίασι, χαλεπῶς μὲν αὐτοὺς ζῶντας ὁρῶσι, χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ἀποκτείνουσιν. ὥσπερ γε καὶ ἵππος εἰ ἀγαθὸς μὲν εἴη, φοβερὸς δὲ μὴ ἀνήκεστόν TL | εἰδότα S. 34 HIERO, vi. 10-15 Simonides! For your sentries have sentries in front of them—the laws,—and so they fear for their own guards like harvesters. Now the chief qualification required in the guards, I presume, is faithfulness. But it is far harder to find one faithful guard than hundreds of workmen for any kind of work, es- pecially when money supplies the guards, and they have it in their power to get far more in a moment by assassinating the despot than they receive from him for years of service among his guards. * You said that you envy us our unrivalled power to confer benefits on our friends, and our unrivalled success in crushing our enemies. But that is another delusion. For how can you possibly feel that you benefit friends when you know well that he who receives most from you would be delighted to get out of your sight as quickly as possible? For, no matter what a man has received from a despot, nobody regards it as his own, until he is outside the giver's dominion. Or again, how can you say that despots more than others are able to crush enemies, when they know well that all who are subject to their despotism are their enemies and that it is impossible to put them all to death or imprison them—else who will be left for the despot to rule over ?—and, knowing them to be their enemies, they must beware of them, and, nevertheless, must needs make use ef them? And 1 can assure you of this, reluctant to see him alive, and yet reluctant to put him to death. To illustrate my point, suppose that a good horse makes his master afraid that he will do him some fatal mischief: the man will feel 35 skins and relieve you of fear. But despots hire their . 12 14 15 16 XENOPHON ποιήσῃ, χαλεπῶς μὲν ἂν τις αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνᾶι διὰ τὴν ἀρετήν, χαλεπῶς δὲ ζῶντι χρῷτο, εὐλα- βούμενος, μή τι ἀνήκεστον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἐργάσηται. καὶ τἄλλά γε κτήματα, ὅσα χαλεπὰ μὲν χρήσιμα δ᾽ ἐστίν, ὁμοίως ἅπαντα λυπεῖ μὲν τοὺς κεκτημένους, λυπεῖ δὲ ἀπαλλαττομένους. VII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα αὐτοῦ ἤκουσεν ὁ Σιμων- ίδης, εἶπεν, "Ἕοικεν, ἔφη, ὦ "lépov, μέγα τι εἶναι ἡ τιμή, ἧς ὀρεγόμενοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι πάντα μὲν πόνον ὑποδύονται, πάντα δὲ κίνδυνον ὑπομένουσι. καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὡς ἔοικε, τοσαῦτα πράγματα ἐχούσης, ὁπόσα λέγεις, τῆς τυραννίδος, ὅμως προπετῶς φέρεσθε εἰς αὐτήν, ὅπως τιμᾶσθε καὶ ὑπηρετῶσ ^ e ^ , , N , μὲν ὑμῖν πάντες πάντα τὰ προσταττόμενα ἄπρο NAA περιβλέπωσι δὲ πάντες, ὑπανιστῶνται ' ἀπὸ τῶν θάκων ὁδῶν τε παραχωρῶσι, γεραί- poc. δὲ καὶ λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις πάντες οἱ παρόντες ἀεὶ ὑμᾶς: τοιαῦτα γὰρ δὴ ποιοῦσι τοῖς τυράννοις οἱ ἀρχόμενοι καὶ ἄλλον ὅντιν᾽ ἂν ἀεὶ τιμῶντες τυγχάνωσι. καὶ γάρ μοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Ἱέρων, τούτ διαφέρειν ἀνὴρ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων, τῷ τιμῆς ὀρέ- γεσθαι. ἐπεὶ σιτίοις γε καὶ ποτοῖς καὶ ὕπνοις καὶ ἀφροδισίοις πάντα ὁμοίως ἥδεσθαι ἔοικε τὰ ζῷα: ἡ δὲ φιλοτιμία οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἀλόγοις ζῴοις ἐμφύεται οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις: οἷς δ᾽ ἂν ἐμφύῃ τιμῆς τε καὶ ἐπαίνου ἔρως, οὗτοί εἰσιν ἤδη οἱ πλεῖστον μὲν τῶν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ οὐκέτι ἄνθρωποι μόνον νομιζόμενοι. ὥστε ἐμοὶ μὲν εἰκότως δοκεῖτε ταῦτα πάντα ὗὑπο- μένειν, ἃ φέρετε ἐν τῇ τυραννίδι, ἐπείπερ τιμᾶσθε διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων. καὶ γὰρ - 26 ilia nib cendiusdilitenime 35 nc | | i o HIERO, vti. 16-vit. 4 reluctant to slaughter him on account of his good qualities, and yet his anxiety lest the animalmay work some fatal mischief in a moment of danger will make him reluctant to keep him alive and use him. Yes, and this is equally true of all possessions that are troublesome as well as useful: it is painful to them, and painful to get rid of them." VII. These statements drew from Simonides the following reply: “Δ great thing, surely, Hiero, is the honour for which men strive so earnestly that they undergo any toil and endure any danger to win it! And what if despotism brings all those troubles that you tell of, yet such men as you, it seems, rush head- long into it that you may have honour, that all men may carry out your behests in all things without question, that the eyes of all may wait on you, that all may rise from their seats and make way for you, that allin your presence may glorify you. by deed and word alike. (Such, in fact, is the behaviour of subjects to despots and to anyone else who 16 happens to be their hero at the moment.) For3 indeed it seems to me, Hiero, that in this man differs from other animals—I mean, in this craving for - honour. In meat and drink and sleep and love all creatures alike seem to take pleasure; but love of honour is rooted neither in the brute beasts nor in every human being. But they in whom is implanted a passion for honour and praise, these are they who differ most from the beasts of the field, these are accounted men and not mere human beings! And so, in my opinion, you have good reason for bearing all those burdens that despotism lays on you, in that you are honoured above all other men. For no 1 Cyropaedia, 1. vi. 25. 37 XENOPHON οὐδεμία ἀνθρωπίνη ἡδονὴ τοῦ θείου ἐγγυτέρω δοκεῖ εἶναι ἢ ἡ περὶ τὰς τιμὰς εὐφροσύνη. δ Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ εἶπεν ὁ 'lépov: ᾿Αλλ᾽, ὦ Σι- μωνίδη, καὶ αἱ τιμαὶ τῶν τυράννων ὅμοιαι ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσιν εἶναι olámep ἐγώ σοι τὰ ἀφροδίσια ὄντα 6 αὐτῶν ἀπέδειξα. οὔτε γὰρ αἱ μὴ ἐξ ἀντιφιλούν- rev ὑπουργίαι χάριτες ἡμῖν ἐδόκουν εἶναι οὔτε τὰ ἀφροδίσια τὰ βίαια ἡδέα ἐφαίνετο. ὡσαύτως τοίνυν οὐδὲ αἱ ὑπουργίαι αἱ παρὰ τῶν φοβου- 7 μένων τιμαί εἰσι. πῶς γὰρ ἂν φαίημεν ἢ τοὺς βίᾳ ἐξανισταμένους θάκων διὰ τὸ τιμᾶν TO ἀδικοῦντας ἐξανίστασθαι ἢ τοὺς ὁδῶν παρα- χωροῦντας τοῖς κρείττοσι διὰ τὸ τιμᾶν τοὺς ἀδι- 8 κοῦντας παραχωρεῖν ; καὶ δῶρά γε διδόασιν οἱ πολλοὶ τούτοις, οὺς μισοῦσι, καὶ ταῦτα ὅταν μάλιστα φοβῶνται, μή τι κακὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πά- θωσιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οἶμαι δουλείας ἔργα εἰκότως ἂν νομίζοιτο' αἱ δὲ τιμαὶ ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσιν 9 ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων τούτοις γίγνεσθαι. ὅταν γὰρ ἄν- θρωποι ἄνδρα ἡγησάμενοι εὐεργετεῖν ἱκανὸν εἶναι καὶ ἀπολαύειν αὐτοῦ ἀγαθὰ νομίσαντες ἔπειτα τοῦτον ἀνὰ στόμα τε ἔχωσιν ἐπαινοῦντες θεῶνταί T αὐτὸν ὡς οἰκεῖον ἕκαστος ἀγαθὸν ἑκόντες τε παραχωρῶσι τούτῳ ὁδῶν καὶ θάκων ὑπανιστῶν- ται φιλοῦντές τε καὶ μὴ φοβούμενοι καὶ στεφανῶσι κοινῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ εὐεργεσίας ἕνεκα καὶ δωρεῖσθαι ἐθέλωσιν, οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τιμᾶν τε τοῦτον ἀληθῶς, οἱ ἂν τοιαῦτα ὑπουργήσωσε, 10 καὶ ὁ τούτων ἀξιούμενος τιμᾶσθαι τῷ ὄντι. καὶ ἔγωγε τὸν μὲν οὕτω τιμώμενον μακαρίξω: ai- σθάνομαι γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐπιβουλευόμενον, ἀλλὰ φροντιζόμενον, μή τι πάθῃ, καὶ ἀφόβως καὶ 38 y emnt eoe yn (CS A48 DUAE AC tomm unm pun EC mtm tnn , HIERO, vir. 4-10 human joy seems to be more nearly akin to that of heaven than the gladness which attends upon honours." * To this Hiero replied: * Ah, Simonides, Hin k 5 even the honours enjoyed by despots bear a close resemblance to their courtships, as 1 have described them to vou. πε services of the indifferent 6 seemed to us not acts of grace, and favours extorted appeared to give no pleasure. And so it is with the services proffered by men in fear: they are not honours. For how can we say that men who are 7 forced to rise from their seats rise to honour their oppressors, or that men who make way for their superiors desire to honour their oppressors? And as 8 for presents, most men offer them to one whom they hate,and that too at the moment when they have cause to fear some evil at his hands. These acts, I suppose, may not unfairly be taken for acts of servility ; but honours, I should say, express the very opposite feel- ings. For whenever men feel that some person is 9 competent to be their benefactor, and come to regard . himas the fountain of blessings, so that henceforward his praise is ever on their lips, everyone of them looks, on him as his peculiar blessing, they make way for him spontaneously and rise from their seats, through love and not through fear, crown him for his generosity and beneficence, and bring him freewill offerings, these same men in my opinion, honour that person truly by such services, and he who is accounted worthy of them is honoured in very deed. And, for myself, I count him a happy man who is 10 honoured thus; for I perceive that, instead of being exposed to treason, he is an object of solicitude, lest harm befall him, and he lives his life unassailed 39 11 12 13 XENOPHON ἀνεπιφθόνως kal ἀκινδύνως καὶ εὐδαιμόνως τὸν βίον διάγοντα: ὁ δὲ τύραννος ὡς ὑπὸ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κατακεκριμένος δι’ ἀδικίαν ἀποθνή- cketv οὕτως, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, εὖ ἴσθι καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν διάγει. , M * ^ , , € , Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα πάντα διήκουσεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης, Καὶ πῶς, ἔφη, ὦ ἹἹέρων, εἰ οὕτως πονηρόν ἐστὶ τὸ τυραννεῖν καὶ τοῦτο σὺ ἔγνωκας, οὐκ ἀπαλ- λάττῃ οὕτω μεγάλου κακοῦ οὔτε σὺ οὔτε ἄλλος μὲν δὴ οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἑκὼν εἶναι τυραννίδος ἀφεῖτο, ὅσπερ ἅπαξ ἐκτήσατο; Ὅτε, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, καὶ ταύτῃ ἀθλιώτατόν ἐστιν ἡ τυραννίς" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀπαλλαγήναι δυνατὸν αὐτῆς ἐστι. πῶς γὰρ ἄν τίς ποτε ἐξαρκέσειε τύραννος ἢ χρήματα ἐκτίνων ὅσους ἀφείλετο ἢ δεσμοὺς ἀντιπάσχοι ὅσους δὴ ἐδέσμευσεν ἢ ὅσους κατέκανε πῶς ἂν ἱκανὰς ψυχὰς ἀντιπαρά- exovro ἀποθανουμένας ; ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ τῳ ἄλλῳ, ὦ ^ , Σιμωνίδη, λυσιτελεῖ ἀπάγξασθαι, ἴσθι, ἔφη, ὅτε τυράννῳ ἔγωγε εὑρίσκω μάλιστα τοῦτο λυσι- τελοῦν ποιῆσαι. μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ οὔτε ἔχειν οὔτε καταθέσθαι τὰ κακὰ λυσιτελεῖ. VIII. Καὶ ὁ Σιμωνίδης ὑπολαβὼν εἶπεν" ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν νῦν, ὦ Ἱέρων, ἀθύμως ἔχειν σε πρὸς τὴν τυραννίδα οὐ θαυμάζω, ἐπείπερ ἐπιθυμῶν φιλεῖσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἐμποδών σοι τούτου νομίζεις αὐτὴν εἶναι. ἐγὼ μέντοι ἔχειν μοι δοκῶ διδάξαι σε, ὡς τὸ ἄρχειν οὐδὲν ἀποκωλύει τοῦ φιλεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλεονεκτεῖ γε τῆς ἰδιωτείας. ἐπισκοποῦντες δὲ αὐτὸ εἰ οὕτως ἔχει μήπω ἐκεῖνο σκοπῶμεν, εἰ διὰ τὸ μεῖζον δύνασθαι ὁ ἄρχων καὶ χαρίζεσθαι πλείω δύναιτ᾽ ἄν, ἀλλ᾽ ἂν τὰ 40 HIERO, vn. ro-vi. 2 - by fear and malice and danger, and enjoys unbroken happiness. But what is the despot'ss lot? I tell you, Simonides, he lives day and night like one condemned by the judgment of all men to die for his wickedness." When Simonides had listened to all this he asked : * Pray, how comes it, Hiero, if despotism is a thing so vile, and this is your verdict, that you do not rid yourself of so great an evil, and that none other, for that matter, who has once acquired it, ever yet surrendered despotic power? "' * Simonides," said he, *this is the crowning misery of despotic power, that it cannot even be got rid of. For how could any despot ever find means to repay in full all whom he has robbed, or himself serve all the terms of imprisonment that he has inflicted? Or how could he forfeit a life for every man whom he has put to death? Ah, Simonides," he cried, *if it profits any man to hang himself, know what my finding is: a despot as most to gain by it, since he alone can neither keep nor lay down his troubles with profit." VIII. * Well, Hiero," retorted Simonides, “1 am not surprised that you are out of heart with despotism for the moment, since you hofd that it cuts you off from gaining the affection of mankind, which you covet. Nevertheless, I think I can. show. you that rule so far from being a bar to popularity, actually has the advantage of a citizen's life. In 2 trying to discover whether this is so, let us for the time being pass over the question whether the ruler, because of his greater power,.is able to 'confer more favours. Assume that the citizen and 41 IN XENOPHON ὅμοια ποιῶσιν ὅ τε ἰδιώτης καὶ ὁ τύραννος, ἐννόει, πότερος μείζω ἀπὸ τῶν ἴσων κτᾶται χάριν. | Αρξομαι δέ σοι ἀπὸ τῶν μικροτάτων παρα- δειγμάτων. ἰδὼν γὰρ πρῶτον προσειπάτω τινὰ φιλικῶς ὅ τε ἄρχων καὶ ὁ ἰδιώτης. ἐν τούτῳ ^ , , ^ , * τὴν ποτέρου πρόσρησιν μᾶλλον εὐφραίνειν τὸν ἀκούσαντα νομίζεις ; ἴθε δὴ ἐπαινεσάντων ἀμ- φοτέρων τὸν αὐτὸν τὸν ποτέρου δοκεῖς ἔπαινον ἐξικνεῖσθαι μᾶλλον εἰς εὐφροσύνην ; θύσας δὲ τιμησάτω ἑκάτερος: τὴν παρὰ ποτέρου τιμὴν μείζονος ἂν χάριτος δοκεῖς τυγχάνειν ; κάμνοντα θεραπευσάτωσαν ὁμοίως" οὐκοῦν τοῦτο σαφές, ὅτι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν δυνατωτάτων θεραπεῖαι καὶ χαρὰν ἐμποιοῦσι μεγίστην ; δότωσαν δὴ τὰ ἴσα' οὐ M 3 , , e δὲ ν᾿ A ^ , καὶ ἐν τούτῳ σαφές, ὅτι αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν δυνατωτά- E ᾿ . ΄ / Àow N ^ TOV ἡμίσειαι χάριτες πλέον ἢ ὅλον τὸ παρὰ τοῦ ἰδιώτου δώρημα δύνανται; ἀλλ᾽ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ καὶ ἐκ θεῶν τιμή τις καὶ χάρις συμπαρέπεσθαι ἀνδρὶ ἄρχοντι. μὴ γὰρ ὅτι καλλίονα ποιεῖ ἄνδρα, f ^ , ; ἀλλὰ kai τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον ἥδιον θεώμεθά Te ftrt ὅταν ἄρχη ἢ ὅταν ἰδιωτεύῃ διαλεγομενοί τε ἀγαλ- , ^ , ^ ^ , λόμεθα τοῖς προτετιμημένοις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἴσου ἡμῖν οὖσι. καὶ μὴν παιδικά γε, ἐν οἷς ^ ; δὴ καὶ σὺ μάλιστα κατεμέμψω τὴν τυραννίδα, ^ , [4 ἥκιστα μὲν γῆρας ἄρχοντος δυσχεραίνει, ἥκιστα » 7 ^ ^ ^ , € "n ri . ὃ αἰσχος, πρὸς ὃν ἂν τυγχάνῃ ομιλῶν, τούτου ὑπολογίζεται. αὐτὸ γὰρ τὸ τετιμῆσθαι μάλιστα 42 πα ὩΣ ΨΥ ΡΨ Ψ ΨΨΨ ᾽ν «νυ Ψ Ὡ»ϑϑσ» HIERO, vii. 2-6 the ihe despot act alike, and consider which of the two — H— M Án the greater measure of gratitude from the same . actions. * You shall have the most trifling examples to - begin with. First, suppose that two men greet 3 . someone with a friendly remark on seeing him. . One is a ruler, the other a citizen. ln this .ease which greeting, do you think, is the more delightful to the hearer? Or again, both commend the same man. Which commendation, do you think, is the more welcome? Suppose that each does the honours when he offers sacrifice. Which invitation, think you, wil be accepted with the "more sincere thanks? Suppose they are equally 4 attentive to a sick man. Is it not obvious that the attentions of the mightiest bring most comfort ἕο the patient? Suppose they give presents of value. Is it not clear in this case too that - half the number of favours bestowed by the mightiest - eount for more than the whole of the plain citizen's gun? Nay, to my way of thinking, even the gods 5 - cause a peculiar honour and favour to dance atten- Bunce on a great ruler. For not only does rule add dignity of presence to a man, but we find more pleasure in the sight of that man when he ds a ruler than when he is a mere citizen, and we take more pride in the conversation of those who rank -above us than in that of our equals. &And6 | favourites, mark you, who were the subject of your bitterest complaint against despotism, are not offended by old age in a ruler, and take no account οὗ ugliness in the patron with whom they happen to be associated. For high rank in itself is a most -Striking embellishment to the person: it casts a 43 oo e 10 XENOPHON συνεπικοσμεῖ, ὥστε τὰ μὲν δυσχερῆ ἀφανίξειν, τὰ δὲ καλὰ λαμπρότερα ἀναφαίνειν. οπότε γε μὴν ἐκ τῶν ἴσων ὑπουργημάτων μειζόνων δ ἡ αρίτων ὑμεῖς τυγχάνετε, πῶς οὐκ ἐπειδάν γε, ὑμεῖς πολλαπλάσια μὲν διαπράττοντες ὠφελεῖν δύνησθε, πολλαπλάσια δὲ δωρεῖσθαι ἔχητε, ὑμᾶς καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον φιλεῖσθαι τῶν ἰδιωτῶν προσήκει; ͵ Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εὐθὺς ὑπολαβών, Ὅτε νὴ AC, ἔφη, ὦ Σιμωνίδη, καὶ ἐξ ὧν ἀπεχθάνονται ἄν- θρωποι, ἡμᾶς πολὺ πλείω τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἀνάγκη͵ ἐστὶ πραγματεύεσθαι. πρακτέον μέν γε χρήματα, εἰ μέλλομεν ἕξειν δαπανᾶν εἰς τὰ δέοντα, ἀναγ- καστέον δὲ φυλάττειν ὅσα δεῖται φυλακῆς, o- λαστέον δὲ τοὺς ἀδίκους, κωλυτέον δὲ τοὺς ὑβρίζειν βουλομένους, καὶ ὅταν γε τάχους καιρὸς παραστῇ ἢ πεζῇ ἢ κατὰ θάλατταν ἐξορμᾶσθαι, οὐκ ἐπιτρεπτέον τοῖς ῥᾳδιουργοῦσιν. ἔτι δὲ μισθοφόρων μὲν ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ δεῖ τούτου δὲ βαρύτερον φόρημα οὐδέν ἐστι τοῖς πολίταις. οὐ γὰρ τυράννοις ἰσοτιμίας,1 ἀλλὰ πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα νομίζουσι τούτους τρέφεσθαι. ΙΧ. Πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ πάλιν εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης" ᾽᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅπως μὲν οὐ πάντων τούτων ἐπιμελητέον, ὦ Ἱέρων, οὐ λέγω. ἐπιμέλειαι μέντοι μοι δο- κοῦσιν αἱ μὲν πάνυ πρὸς ἔχθραν ἄγειν, αἱ δὲ πάνυ διὰ χαρίτων εἶναι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ διδάσκειν ἅ ἐστι βέλτιστα καὶ τὸν κάλλιστα ταῦτα ἐξεργαζόμενον ἐπαινεῖν καὶ τιμᾶν, αὕτη μὲν 1 ἰσοτιμίας of an inferior MS. is doubtless a conjecture. S. gives ἰσοτίμους with B and a later hand in ἃ, The 44 HIERO, vin. 6-ix. 2 — Shade over anything repulsive in him and shows up . his best features in a high light. Moreover, inas- 7 much as equal services rendered by you rulers are rewarded with deeper gratitude, surely, when you . have the power of doing far more for others by your activities, and can lavish far more gifts on - them, it is natural that you should be much more - deeply loved than private citizens." . Hiero instantly rejoined: * Indeed it is not so, 8 . Simonides ; for we are forced to engage far oftener * - than private citizens in transactions that make men hated. Thus, we must extort money in order to 9 . find the cash to pay for what we want: we must . eompel men to guard whatever needs protection : - we must punish wrongdoers; we must check those - who would fain wax insolent ; and when a crisis arises . that calls for the immediate despatch of forces by land and sea, we must see that there is no dilly-dally- ing. Further, ἃ great despot must needs have mer- 10 cenaries; and no burden presses more heavily on - the citizens than that, since they believe that these - Hiero, I do not deny that all these matters must - receive attention. But I should divide a ruler's - activities into two classes, those that lead inevitably - to unpopularity, and those that are greeted with - thanks. The duty of teaching the people what 2 .things are best, and of dispensing praise and "honour to those who accomplish the same most original reading in A was ἰσότιμος. The best conjecture is Still τιμῆς. 45 —À e XENOPHON ἡ ἐπιμέλεια διὰ χαρίτων γίγνεται, τὸ δὲ τὸν ἐνδεῶς TL ποιοῦντα λοιδορεῖν τε καὶ. ἀναγκάζειν καὶ ζημιοῦν καὶ κολάζειν, ταῦτα δὲ ἀνάγκη δι᾿ ἀπεχθείας μᾶλλον γίγνεσθαι. ἐγὼ οὖν φημι ἀνδρὶ ἄρχοντι τὸν μὲν ἀνάγκης δεόμενον ἄλλοις προστακτέον εἶναι κολάξειν, τὸ δὲ τὰ ἄθλα ἀποδιδόναι 0v αὑτοῦ ποιητέον. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα καλῶς ἔχει, μαρτυρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα. καὶ - yàp ὅ ὅταν χοροὺς ἡμῖν βουλώμεθα ἀγωνίζεσθαι, e -1 ἄθλα μὲν ὁ ἄρχων προτίθησιν, ἀθροίζειν δὲ αὐτοὺς προστέτακται χορηγοῖς καὶ ἄλλοις δι- δάσκειν καὶ ἀνάγκην προστιθέναι τοῖς ἐνδεῶς τί ποιοῦσιν. οὐκοῦν εὐθὺς ἐν τούτοις τὸ μὲν ἐπί- χαρι διὰ τοῦ “ἄρχοντος ἐγένετο, τὰ δ᾽ ἀντίτυπα δι᾿ ἄλλων. τί οὖν κωλύει καὶ τἄλλα τὰ πολιτικὰ οὕτως περαίνεσθαι ; διήρηνται μὲν γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ μὲν κατὰ φυλάς, αἱ δὲ κατὰ μόρας, αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους, καὶ ἄρχοντες ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ μέρει ἐφεστήκασιν. οὐκοῦν εἴ τις καὶ τούτοις ὥσπερ τοῖς χοροῖς ἄθλα προτιθείη καὶ εὐοπλίας καὶ εὐταξίας καὶ ἱππικῆς καὶ ἀλκῆς τῆς ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ δικαιοσύνης τῆς ἐν τοῖς συμβολαίοις, εἰκὸς καὶ ταῦτα πάντα διὰ φιλονικίαν ἐντόνως ἀσκεῖσθαι. καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία ὁρμῷντό γ᾽ ἂν θᾶττον ὅποι δέοι τιμῆς ὀρεγόμενοι καὶ χρήματα θᾶττον εἰσφέροιεν, ὁπότε τούτου καιρὸς εἴη, καὶ τὸ πάντων γε χρη- σιμώτατον, ἥκιστα δὲ εἰθισμένον διὰ φιλονικίας πράττεσθαι, ἡ γεωργία αὐτὴ ἂν πολὺ ἐπιδοίη, 1 τὸν μὲν Thalheim: τὸ μὲν MSS.: τὸ μὲν τὸν S., after Stephanus. 46 πὰ μὰ χω πώλων. φῦναι". m. HIERO, IX. 2-7 efficiently, is a form of activity that is greeted with thanks. The duty of pronouncing censure, using coercion, inflicting pains &nd penalties on those who come short in any respect, is one that must of necessity give rise tó a certain amount of unpopularity. Therefore my sentence is that a great ruler should 3 delegate to others the task of punishing those who require to be coerced, and should reserve to himself the privilege of awarding the prizes. The excel- lence of this arrangement is established by daily experience. Thus, when we want to have a choral 4 competition, the ruler offers prizes, but the task of assembling the choirs is delegated to choir-masters, and others have the task of training them and eoercing those who come short in any respect. Obviously, then, in this case, the pleasant part falls to the ruler, the disagreeables fall to others. Why, 5 then, should not all other public affairs be managed on this principle? For all communities are divided into parts—.tribes, wards, *unions, as the case may be—and every one of these parts is subject to its appointed ruler. 1f, then, the analogy of the 6 choruses were followed and prizes were offered to these parts for excellence of equipment, good discipline, horsemanship, courage in the field and fair dealing in business, the natural outcome would be competition, and consequently an earnest en- deavour to improve in all these respects too. And 7 asa matter of course, with the prospect of reward there would be more despatch in starting for the appointed place, and greater promptitude in the payment of war taxes, whenever occasion required. Nay, agriculture itself, most useful of all occupa- tions, but just the one in which the spirit of 47 XENOPHON εἴ τις ἄθλα προτιθείη κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς ἢ κατὰ κώμας τοῖς κάλλιστα τὴν γῆν ἐξεργαζομένοις, καὶ τοῖς εἰς τοῦτο τῶν πολιτῶν “ἐρρωμένως τρεπομένοις 8 πολλὰ ἂν ἀγαθὰ περαίνοιτο. καὶ γὰρ αἱ πρόσοδοι αὔξοιντ᾽ ἄν, καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη πολὺ μᾶλλον τῇ ἀσχολίᾳ συμπαρομαρτεῖ. καὶ μὴν κακουργίαι γε 9 ἧττον τοῖς ἐνεργοῖς ἐμφύονται. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐμπορία 10 ll , ^ , , »* € ^ ^ ὠφελεῖ TL πόλιν, τιμώμενος ἂν ὁ πλεῖστα τοῦτο ^ ^ , , , , , » ^ ποιῶν καὶ ἐμπόρους ἂν πλείους ἀγείροι. εἰ δὲ φανερὸν γένοιτο, ὅτι καὶ ὁ πρόσοδόν τινα ἄλυπον ἐξ , ^ )À€ , ὑδ᾽ e à e ἐξευρίσκων τῇ πόλει τιμήσεται, οὐδ᾽ αὕτη ἂν ἡ 3 ^ e ἈΝ , , ^ , σκέψις ἀργοῖτο. ὡς δὲ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, εἰ kai κατὰ πάντα ἐμφανὲς εἴη, ὅτι ὁ ἀγαθόν τι εἰση- γούμενος οὐκ ἀτίμητος ἔσται, πολλοὺς ἂν καὶ τοῦτο ἐξορμήσειεν ἔργον ποιεῖσθαι τὸ σκοπεῖν τι ἀγαθόν. καὶ ὅταν γε πολλοῖς περὶ τῶν ὠφε- XL A, , , Lj , θ , NA. i (uev μέλῃ, ἀνάγκη εὑρίσκεσθαί τε μᾶλλον κα ἐπιτελεῖσθαι. Ei δὲ φοβεῖ, ὦ Ἱέρων, μὴ ἐν πολλοῖς ἄθλων προτιθεμένων; πολλαὶ δαπάναι γίγνωνται, ἐν- νόησον, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἐμπορεύματα λυσιτελέσ- τερα ἢ ὅσα ἄνθρωποι ἄθλων ὠνοῦνται. ὁρᾷς ἐν ἱππικοῖς καὶ γυμνικοῖς καὶ χορηγικοῖς ἀγῶσιν ὡς μικρὰ ἄθλα μεγάλας δαπάνας καὶ πολλοὺς πόνους καὶ πολλὰς ἐπιμελείας ἐξάγεται ἀνθρώπων ; X. Καὶ ὁ Ἱέρων εἶπεν ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μέν, ὦ , ^ ^ , E b! ^ Σιμωνίδη, καλῶς μοι δοκεῖς Aéyyeu' περὶ δὲ τῶν ^ ^ , μισθοφόρων ἔχεις τι εἰπεῖν, ὡς μὴ μισεῖσθαι δι 1 προτιθεμένων Cobit : προτεθειμένων S. with the MSS. 48 Ὄπ στ“ oon MM —————————ÓÁ HIERO, 1x. 7-x. 1 competition is conspicuous by its absence, would make great progress if prizes were offered for the farm or the village that can show the best cultivation, and many good results would follow for those citizens who threw themselves vigorously into this occupation. For apart from the χρῆν ἐγ ΒΗ 8 increase in the revenues, sobriety far more commonly goes with industry; and remember, vices rarely flourish among the fully employed. If commerce 9 also brings gain to a city, the award of honours for diligence in business would attract a larger number to a commercial career. And were it made clear that the discovery of some way of raising revenue without hurting anyone will also be rewarded, this field of research too would not be unoccupied. In a word, once it becomes clear in every department that any good suggestion will not go unrewarded, many will be encouraged by that knowledge to apply themselves to some promising form of investigation. And when there is a wide-spread interest in useful subjects, an increase of discovery and achievement is bound to come. ** [n case you fear, Hiero, that the cost of offering prizes for many subjects may prove heavy, you should reflect that no commodities are cheaper than those that are bought for a prize. "Think of the large sums that men are induced to spend on horse-races, gymnastic and choral competitions, and the long course of training and practice they undergo for the sake of a paltry prize.' X. * Well, Simonides," said Hiero, “1 think you are right in saying that. But what about the mercenaries ἢ Can you tell me how to employ them without incurring unpopularity? Or do you 49 — XENOPHON αὐτούς ; ἢ λέγεις, ὡς φιλίαν κτησάμενος ἄρχων οὐδὲν ἔτι δεήσεται δορυφόρων ; Kar 2 Nai uà Δία, εἶπεν ὁ Σιμωνίδης, δεήσεται μὲν οὖν. οἶδα γάρ, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἐν ἵπποις οὕτως καὶ ἐν ἀνθρώ- ποις τισὶν ἐγγίγνεται, ὅσῳ ἂν ἔκπλεα τὰ δέοντα 8 ἔχωσι, τοσούτῳ ὑβριστοτέροις εἶναι. τοὺς μὲν οὖν τοιούτους μᾶλλον ἂν σωφρονίζοι ὁ ἀπὸ τῶν δορυφόρων φόβος. τοῖς δὲ καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἄν μοι δοκεῖς τοσαῦτα ὠφελήματα 4 παρασχεῖν ὅσα ἀπὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων. τρέφεις μὲν γὰρ δήπου καὶ σὺ αὐτοὺς σαυτῷ φύλακας" ἤδη δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ δεσπόται βίᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν δούλων ἀπέθανον. εἰ οὖν ἕν πρῶτον τοῦτ᾽ εἴη τῶν προστεταγμένων τοῖς μισθοφόροις, ὡς πάντων ὄντας δορυφόρους τῶν πολιτῶν βοηθεῖν πᾶσιν, ἄν τι τοιοῦτον αἰσθάνωνται" γίγνονται δέ που, ὡς πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα, κακοῦργοι ἐν πόλεσιν" εἰ οὖν καὶ τούτους φυλάττειν εἶεν τεταγμένοι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἰδεῖεν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ὠφελούμενοι. b πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐργάταις καὶ κτήνεσιν οὗτοι ἂν εἰκότως καὶ θάρρος καὶ ἀσφάλειαν δύναιντο μάλιστα παρέχειν, ὁμοίως μὲν τοῖς σοῖς ἰδίοις, ὁμοίως δὲ τοῖς ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν. ἱκανοί γε μήν εἰσι καὶ σχολὴν παρέχειν τοῖς πολίταις τῶν ἰδίων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, τὰ ἐπί- 6 καιρα φυλάττοντες. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ πο- λεμίων ἐφόδους κρυφαίας καὶ ἐξαπιναίας τίνες ἑτοιμότεροι ἢ προαισθέσθαι ἢ κωλῦσαι τῶν ἂἄεὶ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ὄντων καὶ συντεταγμένων ; ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἐν στρατείᾳ τί ἐστιν ὠφελιμώτερον πολί- 50 m"————————————————— —— HIERO, x. 1-6 say that a ruler, once he becomes popular, will have no further need of a bodyguard? " * No, no, he will need them, of course," said 2 Simonides. **Forl know that some human beings are like horses—the more they get what they want, the more unruly they are apt to become. The way 3 to manage men like that is to put the fear of the bodyguard into them. And as for the gentlemen, you can probably confer greater benefits on them by employing mercenaries than by any other means. For I presume that you maintain the force primarily 4 to protect yourself. But masters have often been murdered by their slaves. If therefore the first duty enjoined on the mercenaries were to act as the bodyguard of the whole community and render help to all in case they got wind of any such . intention—there are black sheep in every fold, as we all know—[I say, if they were under orders to guard the citizens as well as the depot, the citizens would know that this is one service rendered to them by the mercenaries. Nor is this all: for65 naturally the mercenaries would also be able to give fearlessness and security in the fullest measure to the labourers and cattle in the country, and the benefit would not be confined to your own estates, but would be felt up and down the countryside. Again, they are competent to afford the citizens leisure for attending to their private affairs by guarding the' vital positions. Besides, should an enemy plan a secret and sudden attack, what bandier agents can be found for detecting or pre- venting their design than a standing force, armed and organized? ΟΥ̓ once more, when the citizens go campaigning, what is more useful to them than mer- 51 ω ] XENOPHON ταις μισθοφόρων ; τούτους γὰρ προπονεῖν καὶ προκινδυνεύειν καὶ προφυλάττειν εἰκὸς ἑτοιμο- τάτους εἶναι. τὰς δὲ ἀγχιτέρμονας πόλεις οὐκ ἀνάγκη διὰ τοὺς ἀεὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντας καὶ εἰρήνης μάλιστα ἐπιθυμεῖν ; οἱ γὰρ συντεταγμένοι καὶ σώζειν τὰ τῶν φίλων μάλιστα καὶ σφάλλειν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων δύναιντ᾽ ἄν. ὅταν γε μὴν γνῶσιν οἱ πολῖται, ὅτι οὗτοι κακὸν μὲν οὐδὲν ποιοῦσι τὸν μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντα, τοὺς δὲ κακουργεῖν βουλομέ- νους κωλύουσι, βοηθοῦσι δὲ τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις, προνοοῦσι δὲ καὶ προκινδυνεύουσι τῶν πολιτῶν, πῶς οὐκ ἀνάγκη καὶ δαπανᾶν εἰς τούτους ἥδιστα; τρέφουσι γοῦν καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἐπὶ μείοσι τούτων φύλακας. Xl. Χρὴ δέ, ὦ Ἱέρων, οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων κτημάτων ὀκνεῖν δαπανᾶν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ἀγαθόν. καὶ γὰρ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ τὰ εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀνα- λούμενα μᾶλλον εἰς τὸ δέον τελεῖσθαι ἢ τὰ εἰς τὸ ἴδιον ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ. καθ᾽ ἕν δ᾽ ἕκαστον σκοπῶμεν. οἰκίαν πρῶτον ὑπερβαλλούσῃ δα- πάνῃ κεκαλλωπισμένην μᾶλλον ἡγῇ κόσμον ἄν σοι παρέχειν ἢ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν τείχεσί τε καὶ ναοῖς καὶ vacTáci! καὶ ἀγοραῖς καὶ λιμέσι κατεσκευασμένην; ὅπλοις δὲ πότερον τοῖς ἐκπα- γλοτάτοις αὐτὸς κατακεκοσμημένος δεινότερος ἂν φαίνοιο τοῖς πολεμίοις ἢ τῆς πόλεως ὅλης εὐόπλου σοι οὔσης ; προσόδους δὲ ποτέρως ἂν δοκεῖς πλείονας γίγνεσθαι, εἰ τὰ σὰ ἴδια μόνον ἐνεργὰ ἔχοις ἢ εἰ τὰ πάντων τῶν πολιτῶν 52 HIERO, x. 6-xt. 4 cenaries? For these are, as a matter of course, the readiest to bear the brunt of toil and danger and watching. And must not those who possess a 7 standing force impose on border states a strong desire for peace? — For nothing equals an organized body of men, whether for protecting the property of friends or for thwarting the plans of enemies. Further, when the citizens get it into their heads 8 that these troops do no harm to the innocent and hold the would-be malefactor in check, come to the rescue of the wronged, care for the citizens and shield them from danger, surely they are bound to pay the cost of them with a right good-will . At all events they keep guards in their homes for less ᾿, important objects than these. E XL * Nor should you hesitate to draw on your private property, Hiero, for the common good. Forin my opinion the sums that a great despot spends on the city are more truly necessary expenses than the money he spends on himself. But let us go into 2 details. First, which do you suppose is likely to bring you more credit, to own a palace adorned with priceless objects of art, or to have the whole city garnished with walls and temples and verandahs and market-places and harbours? — Which will make 3 you look more terrible to the enemy, to dazzle all beholders with your own glittering panoply, or to present the whole of your people in goodly armour? Which. plan, think you, will yield revenues more 4 abounding, to keep only your own capital employed, or to contrive to bring the capital of all the citizens 1 παστάσι rests on the authority of Pollux: παραστάσι S. with the MSS. 53 b τι 10 XENOPHON μεμηχανημένος εἴης ἐνεργὰ εἶναι ; τὸ δὲ πάντων κάλλιστον καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστατον νομιζόμενον . εἶναι ἐπιτήδευμα ἁρματοτροφίαν ποτέρως ἂν δοκεῖς μᾶλλον κοσμεῖν, εἰ αὐτὸς πλεῖστα τῶν € , [τ , ^ /, *, Βλλήνων ἅρματα τρέφοις τε καὶ πέμποις εἰς ^ / ^ ^ ; τὰς πανηγύρεις ἢ εἰ ἐκ τῆς σῆς πόλεως πλεῖστοι μὲν ἱπποτρόφοι εἶεν, πλεῖστοι δ᾽ ἀγωνίζοιντο ; νικᾶν δὲ πότερα δοκεῖς κάλλιον εἶναι ἅρματος ἀρετῇ ἢ πόλεως, ἧς προστατεύεις,. εὐδαιμονίᾳ ; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ προσήκειν φημὶ ἀνδρὶ τυράννῳ πρὸς ἰδιώτας ἀγωνίζεσθαι. νικῶν μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἂν θαυμάξοιο, ἀλλὰ φθονοῖο, ὡς ἀπὸ πολλῶν οἴκων τὰς δαπάνας ποιούμενος, νικώμενος δ᾽ ἂν , , ^ , *, , , , πάντων μάλιστα καταγελῷο. ἀλλ, ἐγώ σοί φημι, ὦ Ἱέρων, πρὸς ἄλλους προστάτας πόλεων τὸν ἀγῶνα εἶναι, ὧν ἐὰν σὺ εὐδαιμονεστάτην τὴν πόλιν, ἧς προστατεύεις, παρέχῃς, εὖ ἴσθι νικῶν τῷ καλλίστῳ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεστάτῳ ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀγωνίσματι. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς κατειργασμένος ἂν εἴης τὸ φιλεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων, οὗ δὴ σὺ ἐπιθυμῶν τυγχάνεις" ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν σὴν νίκην οὐκ ἂν εἷς εἴη ὁ ἀνακηρύττων, , ^ , » € ^ XN ^ , , ἀλλὰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι ὑμνοῖεν ἂν τὴν σὴν ἀρετήν. , MES! , [3 ^5 “ , H περίβλεπτος δὲ ὧν οὐχ ὑπὸ ἰδιωτῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν πόλεων ἀγαπῷο ἂν καὶ θαυμα- ^ , , , , , X M /, στὸς οὐκ ἰδίᾳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δημοσίᾳ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἂν εἴης, καὶ ἐξείη μὲν ἄν σοι ἕνεκεν , , » , , , ἀσφαλείας, εἴ ποι βούλοιο, θεωρήσοντι πορεύ- εσθαι, ἐξείη δ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένοντι τοῦτο πράττειν. 54 HIERO, xti. 4-10 into employment? . And what about the breeding 5 of chariot horses, commonly considered the noblest and. grandest business in the world? By which method. do you think you will gain most credit for that, if you out-do all other Greeks in the number of teams you breed. and send to the festivals, or if the greatest number of breeders and the greatest number of competitors are drawn from your city? And how is the nobler victory gained, by the excel- lence of your team, or by the prosperity of the city of which you are the head? Indeed my own 6 opinion is that it is not even seemly for a great despot to compete with private citizens. . For your victory would excite envy rather than admiration, on the ground that many estates supply the money that you spend, and no defeat would.be greeted. with so much ridicule as yours. I tell you, Hiero, 7 you have to compete with other heads of states, and if you cause your state to surpass theirs in prosperity, be well assured! that you are the victor in the noblest and grandest competition in the world. And in the first place you will forthwith 8 have secured just what you really want, the affection of your subjects. Secondly, your vietory will not be proclaimed by one herald's voice, but all the world will tell of your virtue. The observed of 9 all observers' eyes, you will be a hero, not only to private citizens, but to many Statés: you will be admired not only in your home, but in public among all men. | And you will be free to go wherever you 10 choose, so far as safety is concerned, to see the sights, and equally free to enjoy them in your 1 But εὖ ἴσθι is not right. All the MSS. have εὖ ἔσει, which perhaps conceals εὐδαίμων ἔσει, *' you will be happy. being the victor." 55 11 12 13 14 15 XENOPHON ἀεὶ γὰρ ἂν παρὰ σοὶ πανήγυρις εἴη τῶν βουλο- μένων ἐπιδεικνύναι, εἴ τίς τι σοφὸν ἢ καλὸν ἢ ἀγαθὸν ἔ ἔχοι, τῶν δὲ καὶ ἐπιθυμούντων ὑ ὑπηρετεῖν. πᾶς δὲ ὁ μὲν παρὼν σύμμαχος ἂν εἴη got, ὁ δὲ ἀπὼν ἐπιθυμοίη ἃ ἂν ἰδεῖν σε. - “Ὥστε οὐ μόνον φιλοῖο ἄν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐρῷο ὑπ᾿ ἀνθρώπων, καὶ τοὺς καλοὺς οὐ πειρᾶν, ἀλλὰ πειρώμενον ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἀνέχεσθαι ἄν σε δέοι, φόβον δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἔχοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλοις παρέχοις, μή τι πάθῃς, ἑ ἑκόντας δὲ τοὺς πειθομένους ἔ ἔχοις ἂν καὶ ἐθελουσίως σου προνοοῦντας θεῷο à ἄν, εἰ δέ τις κίνδυνος εἴη, οὐ συμμάχους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προμάχους καὶ προθύμους ὁρῴης ἄν, πολλῶν μὲν δωρεῶν ἀξιούμενος, οὐκ ἀπορῶν δέ, ὅτῳ τούτων εὐμενεῖ μεταδώσεις, πάντας μὲν συγ αίροντας ἔχων ἐπὶ τοῖς σοῖς “ἀγαθοῖς, πάντας Ὦ πρὸ τῶν σῶν ὥσπερ τῶν ἰδίων μαχομένους. θησαυρούς γε μὴν ἔχοις ἂν πάντας τοὺς παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις πλούτους. ᾿Αλλὰ θαρρῶν, ὦ Ἱέρων, πλούτιζε μὲν τοὺς φίλους" σαυτὸν γὰρ πλουτιεῖς" αὖξε au τὴν πόλιν" σαυτῷ γὰρ δύναμιν περιάψεις" kTÀ δὲ αὐτῇ συμμάχους" dii νόμιξε δὲ τὴν “μὲν πατρίδα οἶκον, τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ἑταΐρους, τοὺς δὲ φίλους τέκνα σεαυτοῦ, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας ὅτιπερ, τὴν σὴν ψυχήν, καὶ τούτους πάντας πειρῶ νικᾶν εὖ ποιῶν. ἐὰν γὰρ τοὺς φίλους κρατῇς εὖ ποιῶν οὐ μή σοι δύνωνται ἀντέχειν οἱ πολέμιοι. Kàv ταῦτα πάντα ποιῇς, εὖ ἴσθι πάντων τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις κάλλιστον καὶ μακαριώτατον κτῆμα κεκτήσῃ. εὐδαιμονῶν «yàp οὐ φθονηθήσῃ. ! Weiske indicates ἃ lacuna here : S. does not. 56 you, some eager to display something wise or beautiful or good, others longing to serve you. Everyone present will be an ally, everyone absent will long to see you. *Thus you will be not only the loved, but the adored "οὗ mankind. You will need not to court the fair, but to listen patiently to theirsuit. Anxiety for your welfare will fall not on yourself, but 11 on others. You will have the willing obedience of 12 your subjects; you will mark their unsolicited care for you; and should any danger arise, you will find in them not merely allies, but champions and zealots.| Accounted worthy of many gifts, and at no loss for some man of goodwill with whom to share them, you will find all rejoicing in your good fortune, all fighting for your interests, as though they were their own. And all the riches in the houses of your friends will be yours in fee. *'Take heart then, Hiero ; enrich your friends, for so you will enrich yourself. Exalt the state, for so will deck yourself with power. Get her allies ἴδε so you will win supporters for yourself. Αο- count the fatherland your estate, the citizens your comrades, friends your own children, your sons possessions dear as life. And try to surpass all these in deeds of kindness. For if you out-do your friends in kindness, it is certain that your enemies will not be able to resist you. * And if you do all these things, rest assured that you will be possessed of the fairest and most blessed possession in the world; for none will be jealous of your happiness." Ὁ Or *champions full of zeaL' The xal is not free from suspicion. 14 51. ΠῈΣ » 456 "* af ὙΠΟ r9 xU BA 4i D xhoF ΠῚ Tnss ( "ne ἐκ Ἢ με ; dein. 5 alb fau ἦν xard Aor ἰδ}. aut d 4 φῇ ; ΠΡ ΑΗ Ato pri: Jit ES. Xd Jo 25nóibada sw. 4i dta o o0 utu badilosari aid yug. τ : ba 4a Aic Up. X» 2s im "fus "bien δ irs "aapliaado,,. dud eal l9T39* d Wn bes «atis Yusin 38.3 τόν E IN ἐφ gui Ww ditw lis boom, AC td diooy Tuo. 1 tt dnio! ὙΠΟ Tfa, id Th : "fiududs δι Aor ΠΕΣ Sog" iof 3" ΤῸ 6T ΠῚ ui dodatt Wii Hs DA ΝΟ 9nsds ; AT S. eat ar eio ΠΤ δ ἯΙ ivi ab git ito - i EI ibit ἘΝ Ue nor Ps E reris ESTE ut oz TO gi sn ἨΈ χε ife τε χοῦς -adcAeiila ἀντι da Ὁ s τὴν Are uale δ ῃ d Σ peres τοῖς zy hus que. invi VAT. ura ^to etioNiTia 104 de83. (Hex. baa) dd S RO? 1n ds ποτοῦ Jio. buco: xag a ὙΦ δ ἈΞ 96} 7105 oli bo4. ἀπ. ΔΙ way eobduo nay 3i 03 K^ toj ftw: e»iisns 1007 491 m 2. τι Ie» , sah Hid Jin. nt pn P. us 341 to B4 xis qdT i δ SET | od | ioqei p nis yr dons a den SET. ess ἢ. TUR hse δ A un P μεῖς. ayer pe bum add IDA: ἀν { |t K , μὲ ἐν Desire D fadus JM à "t : x à σὐκόδ Kim f "25 ' Y dis. κα [ naypes mE. A xw «(ἢ ^w Mesi pc, bo: EU A; P? yv sois MEL qiet6n eorr i^ s WP AJ b omms y [vri : $m. «4T«D, etai n E gne cR: 4 EI rologuh. ios K ABL ἔν. sept vast "Ks p aguar e sie ie ife Ps ὰ "eiit qaes* dax "wan oA y "Sito Tolg OT 53 c Ed 0$ 2H DUM ΄ ἘΠῚ T SUR TAY. 2 Syn t Atya9 é Li X beso ME rr oe Mix , RS jl mer 2 D dd an SIUS : | de mreoxen ed 3T» "em oae qe1334 : " "ros o0 ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ ATHZIAAOX 1. Οἶδα μέν, ὅτι τῆς ᾿Αγησιλάου ἀρετῆς τε καὶ δόξης οὐ ῥάδιον ἄξιον ἔπαινον γράψαι, ὅμως , , ^ » ,» w δ᾽ ἐγχειρητέον' οὐ γὰρ àv καλῶς ἔχοι, εἰ ὅτι τελέως ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἐγένετο, διὰ τοῦτο οὐδὲ μειόνων τυγχάνοι ἐπαίνων. Περὶ μὲν οὖν εὐγενείας αὐτοῦ τί ἄν τις μεῖζον καὶ κάλλιον εἰπεῖν ἔχοι ἢ ὅτι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τοῖς προγόνοις ὀνομαζομένοις ἀπομνημονεύεται, ὅπόσ- τος ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους ἐγένετο, καὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἰδιώταις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ βασιλέων βασιλεῦσιν ; ἀλλὰ ^ »0* , ME ΝΜ / μὴν οὐδὲ ταύτῃ γ᾽ ἄν τις ἔχοι καταμέμψασθαι , , L4 , , , ^ αὐτούς, ὡς βασιλεύουσι μέν, πόλεως δὲ τῆς ἐπιτυχούσης: ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τῆς πατρίδος ἐντιμότατον, οὕτω καὶ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ € , , /, [4 , , Ελλάδι ἐνδοξοτάτη: ὥστε οὐ δευτέρων πρω- τεύουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡγεμόνων ἡγεμονεύουσι. τῇδέ γε μὴν καὶ κοινῇ ἄξιον ἐπαινέσαι τήν τε πατρίδα καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ 7j τε γὰρ πόλις οὐδεπώποτε φθονήσασα τοῦ προτετιμῆσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐπεχεί- pnce καταλῦσαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν οἵ τε βασιλεῖς οὐδεπώποτε μειζόνων ὠρέχθησαν ἢ ἐφ᾽ οἷσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβον. τοιγαροῦν » b , / , ^ /, , ἄλλη μὲν οὐδεμία ἀρχὴ φανερά ἐστι διαγεγενη- μένη ἀδιάσπαστος οὔτε δημοκρατία οὔτε ὀλι- δο AGESILAUS I. I kxow how difficult it is to write an appreciation of Agesilaus that shall be worthy of his virtue and glory. Nevertheless the attempt must be made. For it would not be seemly that so good a man, just because of his perfection, should receive no tributes of praise, however inadequate. Now concerning his high birth what greater and 2 nobler could be said than this, that even to-day the line of his descent from Heracles! is traced through the roll of his ancestors, and those no simple citizens, but kings and sons of kings? ΝΟΥ are they open to 3 the reproach that though they were kings, they ruled over a petty state. On the contrary, as their family is honoured above all in their fatherland, so is their state glorious above all in Greece; thus they are not first in the second rank, but leaders in a com- munity of leaders. , On one account his fatherland 4 and his family are worthy to be praised together, for never at any time has the state been moved by jealousy of their pre-eminence to attempt the over- throw of their government, and never at any time have the kings striven to obtain greater powers than were conferred on them originally at their succession tothethrone. Forthisreason, while no other govern- ment—democracy, oligachy, despotism or kingdom— ! Agesilaus was twenty-fifth in line of descent from Heracles (Herodotus, vir. 131; Plutarch, Lycurgus, c.i; Agesilaus, c. i). 61 δ -I! XENOPHON yapxía οὔτε τυραννὶς οὔτε βασιλεία' αὕτη δὲ μόνη διαμένει συνεχὴς βασιλεία. Ὥς γε μὴν καὶ πρὶν ἄρξαι ἄξιος τῆς βασιλείας ἐδόκει εἶναι ᾿Αγησίλαος, τάδε τὰ σημεῖα. ἐπεὶ γὰρ "Ayis βασιλεὺς àv ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐρισάντων περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς Λεωτυχίδα μὲν ὡς ἴΑγιδος ὄντος υἱοῦ, ᾿Αγησιλάου δὲ ὡς ᾿Αρχιδάμου, κρίνασα ἡ πόλις ἀνεπικλητότερον εἶναι ᾿Αγησίλαον καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦτον ἐστήσατο βασιλέα. καΐτοι τὸ ἐν τῇ κρατίστῃ πόλει ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων κριθέντα τοῦ καλλίστου γέρως ἀξιωθῆναι ποίων ἔτι “τεκμηρίων προσδεῖται τῆς γε πρὶν ἄρξαι αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς ; Ὅσα γε μὴν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεπράξατο, νῦν ἤδη διηγήσομαι" ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἔργων καὶ τοὺς τρόπους αὐτοῦ κάλλιστα νομίζω καταδήλους ἔσεσθαι. ᾿Αγησίλαος τοίνυν ἔτι μὲν νέος ὧν ἔτυχε τῆς βασιλείας: ἄρτι δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ, ἐξηγγέλθη βασιλεὺς ὁ Περσῶν ἀθροίζων καὶ ναυτικὸν καὶ πεζὸν πολὺ στράτευμα ὡς ἐπὶ "Ἕλληνας" βουλευομένων δὲ περὶ τούτων Λακε- δαιμονίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, ᾿Αγησίλαος ὑπέστη, ἐὰν δῶσιν αὐτῷ τριάκοντα μὲν Σπαρ- τιατῶν, δισ "λίους δὲ νεοδαμώδεις, εἰς ἑξακισ- χιλίους δὲ τὸ σύνταγμα τῶν συμμάχων, διαβή- σεσθαι εἰς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν καὶ πειράσεσθαι εἰρήνην ποιῆσαι, ἢ ἂν “πολεμεῖν βούληται, ὁ βάρβαρος, ἀσχολίαν αὐτῷ παρέξειν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας. εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ πάνυ ἦἠγά- σθησαν αὐτὸ τοῦτο τὸ ἐπιθυμῆσαι, ἐπειδὴ ὁ Πέρσης πρόσθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα διέβη, ἀντι- 62 AGESIEAUS, τ. 4-8 ean lay claim to an unbroken existence, this kingdom alone stands fast continually. However, there are not wanting signs that even 5 before his reign began Agesilaus was deemed worthy to be king. For on the death of King Agis there was a struggle for the throne between Leotychidas, as e son of Agis, and Agesilaus, as the son of Archidamus. The state decided in favour of Agesi- laus, judging him to be the more eligible in point of birth and character alike. Surely to have been pronounced worthy of the highest privilege by the best men in the mightiest state is proof sufficient of his virtue, at least before he began to reign. I will now give an account of the achievements 6 of his reign, for I believe that his deeds will throw the clearest light on his qualities. Now Agesilaus was still ἃ young man! when he gained the throne. He had been but a short time in power when the news leaked out that the king of the Persians was assembling a great navy and army for an attack on the Greeks. While the Lacedae- 7 monians and their allies were considering the matter, Agesilaus declared, that if they would give him thirty Spartans, two thousand newly enrolled citizens, and a contingent of six thousand allies, he would cross to Asia and try to effect a peace, or, in case the barbarian wanted to fight, would keep him so busy that he would have no time for an attack on the Greeks. His eagerness to pay back the 8 Persian in his own coin for the former invasion of Greece, his determination to wage an offensive ! He was over forty ; but see the Introduction. 63 12 13 XENOPHON διαβῆναι ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν, τό τε αἱρεῖσθαι ἐπιόντα μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπομένοντα μάχεσθαι αὐτῷ, καὶ τὸ τἀκείνου δαπανῶντα βούλεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πολεμεῖν, κάλλιστον δὲ πάντων ἐκρίνετο τὸ μὴ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίας τὸν ἀγῶνα καθιστάναι. Ἐπεί γε μὴν λαβὼν τὸ στράτευμα ἐξέπλευσε, πῶς ἄν τις σαφέστερον ἐπιδείξειεν, ὡς ἐστρατή- γῆσεν, ἢ εἰ αὐτὰ διηγήσαιτο ἃ ἔ ἔπραξεν ; ἐν τοίνυν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ ἥδε πρώτη πρᾶξις ἐγένετο. Τισσαφέρνης μὲν ὥὦμοσεν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ, εἰ σπεί- σαιτο, ἕως ἔλθοιεν obs πέμψειε πρὸς βασιλέα ἀγγέλους, διαπράξεσθαι αὐτῷ ἀφεθῆναι αὐτονό- μους τὰς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας, ᾿Αγησί- λαος δὲ ἀντώμοσε σπονδὰς ἄξειν ἀδόλως, ὁ ὁρισά- μενος τῆς πράξεως τρεῖς μῆνας. ὁ μὲν δὴ Τισσαφέρνης ἃ ὥμοσεν εὐθὺς ἐψεύσατο" ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ εἰρήνην πράττειν στράτευμω πολὺ παρὰ βασιλέως πρὸς ᾧ πρόσθεν εἶχε μετεπέμπετο. ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ καίπερ αἰσθόμενος ταῦτα ὅμως ἐνέμεινε ταῖς σπονδαῖς. ἐμοὶ οὖν τοῦτο πρῶτον καλὸν δοκεῖ “διαπράξασθαι, ὅ ὅτι Τισσαφέρνην μὲν ἐμφανίσας ἐπίορκον ἄπιστον πᾶσιν ἐποίησεν, ἑαυτὸν δ᾽ ἀντεπιδείξας πρῶτον μὲν ὅρκους ἐμπε- δοῦντα, ἔ ἔπειτα συνθήκας μὴ ψευδόμενον, πάντας ἐποίησε καὶ " EXXqvas καὶ βαρβάρους θαρροῦντας συντίθεσθαι ἑαυτῷ, εἴ τι βούλοιτο. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ μέγα φρονήσας ὁ Τισσαφέρνης ἐπὶ τῷ καταβάντι στρατεύματι προεῖπεν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ πόλεμον, εἰ μὴ ἀπίοι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ παρόντες μάλα ἀχθεσθέντες φανεροὶ ἐγένοντο, νομίζοντες μείονα 64 AGESILAUS, i. 8-13 rather than a defensive war, and his wish to make the enemy pay for it rather than the Greeks, were enough to arouse an immediate and widespread enthusiasm for his project. But whatappealed most to the imagination was the idea of entering on a struggle not to save Greece, but. to subdue Asia. And what of his strategy after he had received the army and had sailed out? Α simple narrative of his actions will assuredly convey the clearest im- pression of it. This, then, was his first act in Asia. Tissaphernes had sworn the following oath to ilaus : ** If you will arrange an armistice to last until the return of the messengers whom I will send to the King, I will do my utmost to obtain indepen- dence for the Greek cities in Asia" ; and Agesilaus on his part had sworn to observe the armistice honestly, allowing three months for the transaction. What followed? — Tissaphernes forthwith broke his oath, and instead of arranging a peace, applied to the for a large army in addition to εἰ ἢ which he had before. As for Agesilaus, though well aware of this, he none the less continued to keep the armistice. I think, therefore, that here we have his first noble achievement. By showing up Tissaphernes as a per- jurer, he made him distrusted everywhere; and, contrariwise, by proving himself to be a man of his word and true to his agreements, he encouraged all, Greeks and barbarians alike, to enter into an agreement with him whenever he wished it. The arrival of the new army emboldened Tissa- phernes to send an ultimatum to Agesilaus, threaten- ing war unless he withdrew from Asia; and the allies and the Lacedaemonians present made no concealment of their chagrin, believing that the Ξ Ἢ VOL. Il. D 9 10 13 14 15 16 XENOPHON τὴν παροῦσαν δύναμιν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ τῆς βασιλέως παρασκευῆς εἶναι" ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ μάλα φαιδρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ ἀπαγγεῖλαι τῷ Τισσαφέρνει τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκέλευσεν, ὦ ὡς πολλὴν χάριν αὐτῷ ἔχοι, ὅτι ἐπιορκήσας αὐτὸς μὲν πολεμίους τοὺς θεοὺς ἐκτήσατο, τοῖς D. λλησι συμμάχους ἐποίησεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου εὐθὺς τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις παρ- ἤγγειλε συσκευάξεσθαι ὡς εἰς στρατείαν" ταῖς δὲ πόλεσιν, εἰς ἃς ἀνάγκη ἦν ἀφικνεῖσθαι στρα- τευομένῳ ἐπὶ Καρίαν, προεῖπεν ἀγορὰν παρα- a evábew. ἐπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Ἴωσι. καὶ Αἰολεῦσι καὶ ᾿Ελλησποντίοις πέμπειν πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰς Ἔφεσον τοὺς συστρατευσομένους. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Τισσαφέρνης, καὶ ὅτε ἱππικὸν οὐκ εἶχεν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος, ἡ δὲ Καρία ἄφιππος ἦν, καὶ ὅτι ἡγεῖτο αὐτὸν ὀργίξεσθαι αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἀπάτην, τῷ ὄντι νομίσας ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ οἶκον εἰς Καρίαν ὁρμήσειν αὐτὸν τὸ μὲν πεζὸν ἅπαν διεβίβασεν ἐκεῖσε, τὸ δὲ ἱππικὸν εἰς τὸ Μαι- ἀνδρου πεδίον" περιήγαγε, νομίξων ἱκανὸς εἶναι καταπατῆσαι τῇ ἵππῳ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας πρὶν εἰς τὰ δύσιππα ἀφικέσθαι. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ Καρίαν i ἰέναι εὐθὺς ἀντιστρέψας ἐπὶ Φρυγίας ἐπορεύετο" καὶ τάς τε ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ ἀπαντώσας δυνάμεις ἀναλαμβάνων 1j ἦγε καὶ τὰς πόλεις κατε- στρέφετο καὶ ἐμβαλὼν ἀπροσδοκήτως παμπληθῆ χρήματα ἔλαβε. Στρατηγικὸν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο ἐδόκει διαπρά- ξασθαι, ὅτι ἐπεὶ πόλεμος προερρήθη καὶ τὸ ἐξαπατᾶν ὅσιόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἐξ ἐκείνου ἐγένετο, παῖδα ἀπέδειξε τὸν Τισσαφέρνην τῇ ἀπάτῃ. φρονίμως δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἐνταῦθα ἔδοξε πλου- 66 AGESILAUS, 1. 13-17 strength of Agesilaus was weaker than the Persian king's armament. But Agesilaus with a beaming face bade the envoys of Tissaphernes inform their master that he was profoundly grateful to him for his perjury, by which he had, gained the hostility of the gods for himself and had made them allies of ' the Greeks. Without a moment's delay he gave the word to his troops to pack up in preparation for a campaign, and warned the cities that lay on the lines of march to Caria to have their markets ready stocked. He advised by letter the Greeks of Ionia, the Aeolid and the Hellespont, to send their eontingents for the campaign to his headquarters at Ephesus. Now Tissaphernes reflected that Agesilaus was without cavalry, while Caria was a difficult country for mounted men, and he thought that Agesilaus was wroth with him on account of his deceit. Concluding, therefore, that his estate in Caria was the real object of the coming attack, he sent the whole of his infantry across to that district and took his cavalry round into the plain of the Maeander, confident that he could ride down the Greeks before they reached the country where cavalry could not operate. But instead of marching on Caria, Agesilaus forthwith turned round and made for Phrygia. Picking up the various forces that met him on the route, he proceeded to reduce the cities and captured a vast quantity of booty by sudden attacks. This achievement also was thought to be a proof of sound generalship, that when war was declared and cozening in consequence became righteous and fair dealing, he showed Tissaphernes to be a child at deception. 1t was thought, too, that he made shrewd 67 18 19 20 21 22 XENOPHON τίσαι' ἐπεὶ γὰρ διὰ τὸ πολλὰ χρήματα εἰχῆφθαι ἀντίπροικα τὰ πάντα ἐπωλεῖτο, τοῖς μὲν φίλοις προεῖπεν ὠνεῖσθαι, εἰπὼν ὅτι καταβήσοιτο ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἐν τάχει τὸ στράτευμα κατάγων" τοὺς δὲ λαφυροπώλας ἐκέλευσε γραφομένους, ὁπόσου τι πρίαιντο, προΐεσθαι τὰ χρήματα. ὥστε οὐδὲν ᾿ προτελέσαντες οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ οὐδὲ τὸ δημόσιον βλάψαντες πάντες παμπληθῆ χρήματα ἔλαβον. » MN A , 3 114 e Y ^ | ψὰὼ ᾿ ἔτι δὲ ὁπότε αὐτόμολοι, ὡς εἰκός, πρὸς βασιλέα ἰόντες χρήματα ἐθέλοιεν ὑφηγεῖσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα , , H διὰ ^ / £A / robe ἐπεμέλετο ὡς διὰ τῶν φίλων ἁλίσκοιτο, ὅπως [:4 ν᾽ , LA δὲ , , | ἅμα μὲν χρηματίζοιντο, ἅμα δὲ ἐνδοξότεροι γί- ὃ ^ Ν 87 ^ "80 ' γνοιντο. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα εὐθὺς πολλοὺς épac- τὰς τῆς αὑτοῦ φιλίας ἐποιήσατο. , , wv e ^ ΄ | l Γιγνώσκων δ᾽ ὅτε ἡ μὲν πορθουμένη καὶ ἐρημουμένη χώρα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο πολὺν χρόνον στράτευμα φέρειν, ἡ δ᾽ οἰκουμένη μὲν σπειρομένη δὲ ἀέναον ἂν τὴν τροφὴν παρέχοι, ἐπεμέλετο οὐ μόνον τοῦ βίᾳ χειροῦσθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ πρᾳότητι προσάγεσθαι. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν προηγόρευε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοὺς ἁλισκο- μένους μὴ ὡς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς , , » , , δὲ € , ἀνθρώπους ὄντας φυλάττειν, πολλάκις δὲ ὁπότε μεταστρατοπεδεύοιτο, εἰ αἴσθοιτο καταλελειμ- /, ὃ /, b 1 , , ἃ $c ὶ H 70 μένα παιδάρια μικρὰ ἐμπόρων, ἃ πολλοὶ ἐπώ λουν διὰ τὸ νομίζειν μὴ δύνασθαι ἂν φέρειν αὐτὰ καὶ τρέφειν, ἐπεμέλετο καὶ τούτων ὅπως συγ- κομίζοιντό ποι. τοῖς Ó αὖ διὰ γῆρας καταλει- 1 μικρὰ MSS. : παρὰ S. with Reuchlin. ΐ 68 ^ 1; [4 bed m tet X AGESILAUS, 4. 17-22 use of this occasion to enrich his friends. For the accumulation of plunder was so great that things were selling for next to nothing. So he gave his friends the word to buy, saying that he was shortly going down to the coast with his army.! The auctioneers were ordered to have a schedule made of the prices obtained and to give delivery of the goods. Thus without capital outlay, and without any loss to the treasury, all his friends made a prodigious amount of money. Further, whenever deserters offered to give information where plunder might be taken, they naturally went to the king. In such a case he took eare that the capture should be effected by his friends, so that they might at one and the same time make money and add to their laurels. The iminediate result was that he had many ardent suitors for his friendship. Recognizing that a country plundered and de- populated could not long support an army, whereas an inhabited and cultivated land would yield inex- haustible supplies, he took pains not only to crush his enemies by force, but also to win them over by gentleness. He would often warn his men not to punish their prisoners as criminals, but to guard them as human beings; and often when shifting camp, if he noticed little children, the property of merchants, left behind—many merchants offered children for sale because they thought they would not be able to carry and feed them?—he looked after them too, and had them conveyed to some place of refuge. Again, he arranged that prisoners ! Where the goods would be re-sold at a profits 3 The dealers often failed to find a buyer and consequently abandoned these captured children, 69 Ὸ € 18 20 21 22 23 24 XENOPHON πομένοις “αἰχμαλώτοις προσέταττεν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι αὐτῶν, ὡς μήτε ὑπὸ κυνῶν μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ λύκων διαφθείροιντο. ὥστε οὐ μόνον οἱ πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ ἁλισκόμενοι εὐμενεῖς αὐτῷ ἐγίγνοντο. ὁπόσας δὲ πόλεις προσαγάγοιτο, ἀφαιρῶν αὐτῶν ὅσα δοῦλοι δεσπόταις ὑ ὑπηρετοῦσι, προσέταττεν ὅσα ἐλεύθεροι ἄρχουσι πείθονται" καὶ τῶν κατὰ κράτος ἀναλώτων τειχέων τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ ὑπὸ “χεῖρα ἐποιεῖτο. ᾿Επεὶ μέντοι ἀνὰ e πεδία οὐδὲ ἐ ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ ἐδύνατο στρατεύεσθαι διὰ τὴν Φαρναβάζου ἱππείαν, ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ἱππικὸν κατασκευαστέον εἶναι, ὡς μὴ δραπετεύοντα πολεμεῖν δέοι αὐτόν. τοὺς μὲν οὖν πλουσιωτάτους ἐκ πασῶν τῶν ἐκεῖ πόλεων ἱπποτροφεῖν κατέλεξε. προεῖπε δέ, ὅστις παρέ OLTO ἵππον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἄνδῥα δόκιμον, ὡς ἐξέσοιτο αὐτῷ μὴ στρατεύεσθαι καὶ ἐποίησεν οὕτως ἕκαστον προθύμως ταῦτα. πράττειν, ὥσπερ ἄν τις πὸν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ ἀποθανούμενον προθύμως μαστεύιο. ἔταξε δὲ καὶ πόλεις, ἐξ ὦ ὧν δέοι, τοὺς ἱππέας παρασκευάξειν, νομίζων ἐκ τῶν ἱππο- τρόφων πόλεων εὐθὺς καὶ φρονηματίας μάλιστα ἂν ἐπὶ τῇ ἱππικῇ γενέσθαι. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀγαστῶς ἔδοξε πρᾶξαι, ὅτι κατεσκεύαστο τὸ ἱππικὸν αὐτῷ καὶ εὐθὺς ἐρρωμένον 3v καὶ ἐνεργόν. "Eme δὲ “ἔαρ ὑπέφαινε, συνήγαγε πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα εἰς "Edecov: ἀσκῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸ βουλόμενος ἄθλα προὔθηκε καὶ ταῖς ἱππικαῖς τάξεσιν, ἥτις κράτιστα ἱππεύοι, καὶ ταῖς ὁπλιετι- 1 The MSS. of the Hellenica have δ᾽ correctly: the MSS. have καὶ here: δὲ καὶ S. 7o “- ' AGESILAUS, 1. 22-25 : of war who were too old to accompany the army were to be looked after, that they might not fall a prey to dogs or wolves. It thus came about that he won the goodwill not only of those who heard of these- facts, but even of the prisoners themselves. In his settlement with the cities that he won over, he invariably excused them from all servile duties and required only such obedience as freemen owe to their rulers; and by his clemency he made himself master of fortresses impregnable to assault. However, since a campaign in the plains was im- possible even in Phrygia, owing to Pharnabazus' cavalry, he decided that he must raise a mounted force, if he was to avoid continually running away from the enemy. He therefore enrolled the wealthiest men in all the cities thereabouts as breeders of horses, and issued a proclamation that anyone who supplied a horse and arms and an efficient man should be exempt from personal service. In this way he brought it about that every one of them carried out these requirements with the zeal of a man in quest of someone to die in his stead. He also specified cities that were to furnish con- tingents of cavalry,feeling sure that from the horse- breeding cities riders proud of their horsemanship would be forthcoming. This again was considered an admirable stroke on his part, that no sooner had he raised his cavalry than it became a powerful body ready for action. At the first sign of spring! he collected the whole of his forces at Ephesus. With a view to their training he offered prizes for the cavalry squadron that rode best, and for the company of heavy in- 1 395 B.C, 71 23 24 25 26 277 28 XENOPHON als, ἥτις ἄριστα σωμάτων ἔχοι: kal πελτασταῖς δὲ καὶ τοξόταις ἄθλα προὔθηκεν, οἵτινες κράτιστοι τὰ προσήκοντα ἔργα φαίνοιντο. ἐκ τούτου δὲ παρῆν ὁρᾶν τὰ μὲν γυμνάσια μεστὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν γυμναζομένων, τὸν δὲ ἱππόδρομον ἱππέων ἱππα- ζομένων, τοὺς δὲ ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐπὶ στόχον ἱέντας. ἀξίαν δὲ καὶ ὅλην τὴν πόλιν, ἐν jj ἦν, θέας ἐποίησεν. ἥ τε γὰρ ἀγορὰ μεστὴ ἦν παντοδαπῶν. καὶ ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων ὠνίων οἵ τε χαλκοτύποι καὶ οἱ τέκτονες καὶ οἱ σιδηρεῖς καὶ οἱ σκυτεῖς καὶ οἱ γραφεῖς πάντες πολεμικὰ ὅπλα κατεσκεύαζον: ὥστε τὴν πόλιν ὄντως ἂν ἡγήσω πολέμου ἐργαστήριον εἶναι. ἐπερρώσθη δ᾽ ἄν τις κἀκεῖνο ἰδών, ᾿Αγησίλαον μὲν πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους στρατιώτας ἐστε- φανωμένους τε, ὅπου ἀπὸ τῶν γυμνασίων ἴοιεν, καὶ ἀνατιθέντας τοὺς στεφάνους τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι. ὅπου γὰρ ἄνδρες θεοὺς μὲν σέβοιεν, πολεμικὰ δὲ ἀσκοῖεν, πειθαρχίὰν δὲ μελετῷεν, πῶς οὐκ εἰκὸς ἐνταῦθα πάντα μεστὰ ἐλπίδων ἀγαθῶν εἶναι ; ἡγούμενος δὲ καὶ τὸ καταφρονεῖν τῶν πολεμίων ῥώμην τινὰ ἐμβαλεῖν πρὸς τὸ μάχεσθαι προεῖπε τοῖς κήρυξι τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν λῃστῶν ἁλισ- κομένους βαρβάρους γυμνοὺς πωλεῖν. ὁρῶντες οὖν οἱ στρατιῶται λευκοὺς μὲν διὰ τὸ μηδέποτε ἐκδύεσθαι, πίονας δὲ καὶ ἀπόνους διὰ τὸ ἀεὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀχημάτων εἶναι ἐνόμισαν μηδὲν διοίσειν τὸν πόλεμον ἢ εἰ γυναιξὶ δέοι μάχεσθαι. Προεῖπε δὲ καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς εὐθὺς ἡγήσοιτο τὴν συντομωτάτην ἐπὶ τὰ κρά- τιστα τῆς χώρας, ὅπως αὐτόθεν αὐτῷ τὰ σώματα καὶ τὴν γνώμην παρασκευάζοιντο ὡς ἀγωνιού- 72 AGESILAUS, τ 25-28 fantry that reached the highest level of physical fit- ness. He also offered prizes to the targeteers and the archers who showed the greatest efficiency in their particular duties, Thereupon one might see every gymnasium crowded with the men exercising, the racecourse thronged with cavalrymen riding, and the javelin-men and archers shooting at the mark. Indeed he made the whole city in which he was quartered a sight to see. For the market was full of arms and horses of all sorts on sale, and the copperstniths, carpenters, workers in iron, cobblers, and painters were all busy making weapons of war, so that you might have thought that the city was really ἃ war factory. And an inspiring sight it would have been to watch Agesilaus and all his soldiers behind him returning garlanded from the gymnasium and dedicating their garlands to Artemis, For where men reverence the gods, train themselves in warfare and practise obedience, there you surely find high hopes abounding. | More- over, believing that contempt for the enemy would kindle the fighting spirit, he gave instructions to his heralds that the barbarians captured in the raids should be exposed for sale naked. So when his soldiers saw them white because they never stripped, and fat and lazy through constant riding in carriages, they believed that the war would be exactly like fighting with women. He also gave notice to the troops that he would immediately lead them by the shortest route to the most fertile parts of the country, so that he might at once find them preparing themselves in body and 73 26 21. 28 29 3 -- 82 ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ μενοι. ὁ μέντοι Τισσαφέρνης ταῦτα μὲν ἐνόμισε λέγειν αὐτὸν πάλιν βουλόμενον ἐξαπατῆσαι, εἰς Καρίαν δὲ νῦν τῷ ὄντε ἐμβαλεῖν. τό τε οὖν πεζὸν καθάπερ τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς Καρίαν διεβίβασε καὶ τὸ ἱππικὸν εἰς τὸ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον κατέ- στησεν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος οὐκ ἐψεύσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ προεῖπεν, εὐθὺς eig! τὸν Σαρδιανὸν τόπον ἐχώρησε, καὶ τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας δι’ ἐρημίας πολεμίων πορευόμενος πολλὰ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ στρατιᾷ παρεῖχε' τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἧκον οἱ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς. καὶ τῷ μὲν ἄρχοντι τῶν σκευοφόρων εἶπεν ὁ ἡγεμὼν διαβάντι τὸν Πακτωλὸν ποταμὸν στρατοπεδεύεσθαι: αὐτοὶ δὲ κατιδόντες τοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀκολούθους ἐσπαρμένους καθ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος βοηθεῖν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἱππέας. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Πέρσαι ὡς εἶδον τὴν βοήθειαν, ἠθροίσθησαν καὶ ἀντιπαρετάξαντο παμπληθέσι τῶν ἱππέων τάξεσιν. ἔνθα δὴ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος γιγνώσκων, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις οὔπω παρείη τὸ πεζόν, αὐτῷ δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπείη τῶν παρεσκευασμένων, καιρὸν ἡγήσατο μάχην συνάψαι, εἰ δύναιτο. σφαγιασάμενος οὖν τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα εὐθὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους ἱππέας, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐκέλευσε τὰ δέκα ἀφ᾽ ἥβης θεῖν ὁμόσε αὐτοῖς, τοῖς δὲ πελτασταῖς εἶπε δρόμῳ ὑφηγεῖσθαι: παρήγγειλε δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐμβάλλειν, ὡς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος ἑπομένου. τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἱππέας ἐδέξαντο οἱ ἀγαθοὶ τῶν Περσῶν' ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἅμα πάντα τὰ δεινὰ παρῆν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἐνέκλιναν καὶ ! εἰν is added from Zellenica ττι, ἵν." 21 : S. adds ἐπί, 74 — AGESILAUS, τ 28-32 mind for the coming struggle. Tissaphernes, how- ever, believed that in saying this he meant to deceive him again, and that now he would really invade Caria Accordingly he sent his infantry across into Caria as before, and stationed his cavalry in the plain of the Maeander. But Agesilaus did not play false: in accordance with his notice he marched straight to the neighbour- hood of Sardis; and for three days his route lay through a country bare of enemies, so that he supplied his army with abundance of provisions. - On the fourth day the enemy's cavalry came up. Their leader told the officer in command of the baggage-train to cross the river Pactolus and encamp. The cavalry, meantime, catching sight of the Greek camp-followers plundering in scattered bands, killed a large number of them. On noticing this, Agesilaus ordered his cavalry to go to their help. The Persians in turn, seeing the supports coming, gathered in a mass and confronted them with the full strength of their horse. Then Agesilaus, realising that the enemy's infantry was not yet up, while he had all his resources on the spot, thought the moment was come to join battle if he could. Therefore, after offering sacrifice, he led forward the battle line immediately against the opposing cavalry, the heavy infantrymen of ten years service having orders to run to close quarters with the enemy, wbile the targeteers were to lead the advance at the double. He also sent word to the cavalry to attack in the knowledge that he himself was following with the whole army. The charge of the cavalry was met by the flower of the Persians: but as soon as the full weight of the attack fell on them, they swayed, and 75 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 XENOPHON οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν εὐθὺς ἐν ,Τῷ ποταμῷ ἔπεσον, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἔφευγον. οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες ἑπόμενοι αἱροῦσι καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν. καὶ οἱ μὲν πελτασταὶ ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν ἐτρέποντο’ ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγησίλαος ἔχων κύκλῳ πάντα καὶ φίλια, καὶ πολέμια περιεστρατοπεδεύσατο. Ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε τοὺς πολεμίους ΠΟΥ διὰ τὸ αἰτιᾶσθαι ἀχλήλους τοῦ γεγενημένου, εὐθὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ “Σάρδεις. κἀκεῖ ἅμα μὲν ἔκαιε καὶ , ἐπόρθει τὰ περὶ τὸ ἄστυ, ἅμα δὲ καὶ κηρύγματι. ἐδήλου τοὺς μὲν ἐλευθερίας δεομένους ὡς πρὸς σύμμαχον αὐτὸν παρεῖναι" εἰ δέ τινες τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἑαυτῶν ποιοῦνται, πρὸς τοὺς ἐλευ- θεροῦντας διακρινουμένους ἐν ὅπλοις παρεῖναι. ἐπεὶ μέντοι οὐδεὶς ἀντεξήει, ἀδεῶς δὴ τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου ἐστρατεύετο, τοὺς μὲν πρόσθεν προσκυνεῖν e ᾿Βλληνας ἀναγκαξομένους ὁρῶν τιμωμένους ὑφ᾽ ὧν ὑβρίξοντο, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀξιοῦντας καὶ τὰς τῶν θεῶν τιμὰς καρποῦσθαι, τούτους ποιήσας μηδ᾽ ἀντιβλέπειν τοῖς “Ελλησι δύνασθαι καὶ τὴν μὲν τῶν φίλων χώραν ἀδήωτον παρέχων, τὴν δὲ τῶν πολεμίων οὕτω καρπούμενος, à ὥστε ἐν δυοῖν ἐ ἐτοῖν πλέον τῶν ἑκατὸν ταλάντων τῷ θεῷ ἐν Δελφοῖς δεκάτην. ἀποθῦσαι. Ὁ μέντοι, Περσῶν βασιλεὺς͵ νομίσας Τισ- σαφέρνην αἴτιον εἶναι τοῦ κακῶς φέρεσθαι τὰ ἑαυτοῦ Τιθραύστην καταπέμψας ἀπέτεμεν αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλήν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὰ μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων ἔτι ἀθυμότερα ἐγένετο, τὰ δὲ ᾿Αγησι- ! The text as corrected by Reiske and Schneider: τὸ ἐλευθεροῦν διακρινομένους ὃ. : τῷ ἐλευθεροῦν τοὺς (Or Tovs) διακρινομένους MSS, 76 AGESILAUS, 1. 32-35 some were cut down immediately in the river, while the rest fled. The Greeks followed up their success and captured their camp. . The targeteers naturally fell to pillaging; but Agesilaus drew the lines of his camp round so as to enclose the property of all, friends and foes alike. On hearing that there was confusion among the enemy, because everyone put the blame for what had happened on his neighbour, he advanced forthwith on Sardis. There he began burning and pillaging the suburbs, and meantime issued. a proclamation calling on those who wanted freedom to join his standard, and challenging any who claimed a right to Asia to seek a decision between themselves and the liberators by an appeal to arms. As no one came out to oppose him, he prosecuted the campaign henceforward in complete confidence : he beheld the Greeks, compelled erstwhile to cringe, now honoured by their oppressors; caused those who arrogantly claimed for themselves the honours paid to the gods to shrink even from looking the Greeks in the face; rendered the country of his friends inviolate, and stripped the enemy's country so thoroughly that in two years he consecrated to the god at Delphi more than two hundred talents as tithe. But the Persian king, believing that Tissaphernes was responsible for the bad turn in his affairs, sent down Tithraustes and beheaded Tissaphernes. After this the outlook became still more hopeless for the barbarians, while Agesilaus received large accessions 1 i.e, he intrenched. 77 33 34 35 36 37 38 XENOPHON Aáov πολὺ ἐρρωμενέστερα. ἀπὸ πάντων γὰρ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐπρεσβεύοντο περὶ φιλίας, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἀφίσταντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ὀρεγόμενοι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ὥστε οὐκέτι Ἑλλήνων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρβάρων πολλῶν ἡγεμὼν ἣν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος. Αξιόν γε μὴν καὶ ἐντεῦθεν ὑπερβαλλόντως ἄγασθαι αὐτοῦ, ὅστις ἄρχων μὲν παμπόλλων ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ πόλεων, ἄρχων δὲ καὶ νήσων, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ ναυτικὸν προσῆψεν αὐτῷ ἡ πόλις, αὐξα- νόμενος δὲ καὶ εὐκλείᾳ καὶ δυνάμει, παρὸν δ᾽ αὐτῷ πολλοῖς καὶ ἀγαθοῖς χρῆσθαι ὅ τι ἐβούλετο, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὸ μέγιστον, ἐπινοῶν καὶ ἐλπίζων καταλύσειν τὴν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα στρατεύσασαν πρότερον ἀρχὴν ὅμως ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς τούτων ἐκρατήθη, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἦλθεν αὐτῷ ἀπὸ τῶν οἴκοι τελῶν βοηθεῖν τῇ πατρίδι, ἐπείθετο τῇ πόλει οὐδὲν διαφερόντως ἢ εἰ ἐν τῷ ἐφορείῳ ἔτυχεν ἑστηκὼς μόνος παρὰ τοὺς πέντε, μάλα ἔνδηλον ποιῶν, ὡς οὔτε ἂν πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν δέξαιτο ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίδος οὔτε τοὺς ἐπικτήτους ἀντὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων φίλων οὔτε αἰσχρὰ καὶ ἀκίνδυνα κέρδη μᾶλλον ἢ μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ καλὰ καὶ δίκαια. Ὅσον γε μὴν χρόνον ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ ἔμεινε, πῶς οὐκ ἀξιεπαίνου βασιλέως καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔργον ἐπε- δείξατο, ὅστις παραλαβὼν πάσας πόλεις, ἐφ᾽ às ἄρξων ἐξέπλευσε, στασιαζούσας διὰ τὸ τὰς πολιτείας κινηθῆναι, ἐπεὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔληξαν, ἐποίησεν ὥστ᾽ ἄνευ φυγῆς καὶ θανάτων, ἕως αὐτὸς παρῆν, ὁμονόως πολιτευομένας καὶ εὐδαίμονας τὰς πόλεις διατελέσαι ; τουγαροῦν οἱ 1 In the market at Sparta. The Five EÉphors sat there daily, and it was in their power to censure the kings. 78 δ AGESILAUS, 1. 35-38 of strength. For all the nations of the empire sent embassies seeking his friendship, and the desire for freedom caused many to revolt to him, so that not Greeks alone, but many barbarians also now acknow- ledged the leadership of Agesilaus. His conduct at this juncture also merits unstinted admiration. Though ruler of countless cities on the mainland, and master of islands—for the state had now added the fleet to his command—becoming daily more famous and more powerful; placed in a position to make what use he would of his many opportunities; and designing and expecting to erown his achievements by dissolving the empire that had attacked Greece in the past : he suppressed all thought of these things, and as soon as he received a request from the home government to come to the aid of his fatherland, he obeyed the call of the state, just as though he were standing in the Ephors' palace! alone before the Five, thus showing clearly that he would not take the whole earth in exchange for his fatherland, nor new-found friends for old, and that he scorned to choose base and secure gains rather than that which was right and honourable, even though it was dangerous. Throughout the time that he remained in his command, another achievement of his showed beyond question how admirable was his skill in kingeraft. Having found al] the cities that he had gone out to govern rent by faction in consequence of the political disturbances that followed on the collapse of the Athenian empire, he brought it about by the influence of his presence that the communities lived in unbroken harmony and prosperity without re- course to banishment or executions. "Therefore the 19 36 31 38 to e XENOPHON ἐν τῇ 'Acía "EXXqves οὐχ ὡς ἄρχοντος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς πατρὸς καὶ ἑταίρου ἀπιόντος αὐτοῦ ἐλυποῦντο. καὶ τέλος ἐδήλωσαν, ὅτι οὐ πλαστὴν τὴν φιλίαν παρείχοντο. ἐθελούσιοι γοῦν αὐτῷ συνεβοήθησαν: τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, καὶ ταῦτα εἰδότες, ὅτι οὐ χείροσιν ἑαυτῶν δεήσοι μάχεσθαι. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ πράξεων τοῦτο τέλος ἐγένετο. II. Διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπορεύετο διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐθνῶν ὧνπερ ὁ Πέρσης τῷ παμπληθεῖ στόλῳ: καὶ ἣν ἐνιαυσίαν ὁδὸν ὁ βάρβαρος ἐποιήσατο, ταύτην μεῖον ἢ ἐν μηνὶ κατήνυσεν ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος. οὐ γὰρ ὡς ὑστερήσειε τῆς πατρίδος προεθυμεῖτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ éfapuel yas Μακεδονίαν εἰς Θετταλίαν ἀφίκετο, Λαρισαῖοι μὲν καὶ Κραννώνιοι καὶ Σκοτουσσαῖοι καὶ Φαρσάλιοι σύμμαχοι ὄντες Βοιωτοῖς καὶ πάντες δὲ Θετταλοὶ πλὴν ὅσοι αὐτῶν φυγάδες τότε ὄντες ἐτύγχανον, ἐκακούργουν οὗτοι ἐφεπόμενοι. 0 δὲ τέως μὲν ἦγεν ἐν πλαισίῳ τὸ στράτευμα, τοὺς ἡμίσεις μὲν ἔμπροσθεν, τοὺς ἡμίσεις δὲ ἐπ᾽ οὐρὰν ἔχων τῶν ἱππέων: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκώλυον τῆς πορείας αὐτὸν οἱ Θετταλοὶ ἐπιτιθέμενοι τοῖς ὄπισθεν, παραπέμπει ἐπ᾽ οὐρὰν καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ προηγουμένου στρα- τεύματος ἱππικὸν πλὴν τῶν περὶ αὑτόν. ὡς δὲ / , / ε ^ , Ἁ παρετάξαντο ἀλλήλοις, οἱ μὲν Θετταλοί, νομίέ- σαντες οὐκ ἐν καλῷ εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἱππομαχεῖν, στρέψαντες βάδην ἀπεχώρουν" οἱ δὲ μάλα σωφρόνως ἐφείποντο. γνοὺς δὲ ὁ ᾿Αγησί- λαος ἃ ἑκάτεροι ἡμάρτανον παραπέμπει τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν μάλ᾽ εὐρώστους ἱππέας καὶ κελεύει τοῖς τε ἄλλοις παραγγέλλειν καὶ αὐτοὺς διώκειν 8ο * .— AGESILAUS, i. 38-11. 3 Greeks in Asia mourned his departure as though they were bidding farewell not merely to a ruler, but to a father or a comrade. And at the end they showed that their affection was unfeigned. At any rate they went with him voluntarily to aid Sparta, knowing as they did that they must meet an enemy not inferior to themselves. "This then was the end of his activities in Asia. II. After crossing the Hellespont, he passed through the very same tribes as the Persian king with his mighty host; and the distance that had been traversed by the barbarian in a year was covered by Agesilaus in less than a month. For he had no intention of arriving too late to aid his fatherland. When he had passed through Macedonia and reached Thessaly, the people of Larisa, Crannon, Scotussa and Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians, all the Thessalians, in fact, except those who happened to be in exile at the time, followed at his heels and kept molesting him. For a time he led the army in a hollow square, with one half of the cavalry in front and the other half in the rear; but finding his progress hampered by Thessalian attacks on his rearguard, he sent round all the cavalry from the vanguard to the rear, except his own escort. When the two forces faced one another in line of battle, the Thessalians, believing it inexpedient to engage heavy infantry with cavalry, wheeled round and slowly retired, their enemy following very cautiously. Agesilaus, noticing the errors into which both sides were falling, now sent round his own escort of stalwart horsemen, with orders to bid the others to charge at full speed, and to do the same themselves, 81 XENOPHON κατὰ κράτος καὶ μηκέτι δοῦναι αὐτοῖς ἀναστροφήν. οἱ δὲ Θετταλοὶ ὡς εἶδον παρὰ δόξαν ἐλαύνοντας, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν οὐδ᾽ ἀνέστρεψαν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἀνα- στρέφειν πειρώμενοι πλαγίους ἔ ἔχοντες τοὺς ἵππους. 4 ἡλίσκοντο. Πολύχαρμος μέντοι ὁ Φαρσάλιος ἱππαρχῶν ἀνέστρεψέ τε καὶ μαχόμενος σὺν τοῖς φυγὴ γίγνεται ἐξαισία' ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἀπέθνησκον αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ξῶντες ἡλίσκοντο. ἔστησαν δ᾽ οὖν οὐ πρόσθεν, πρὶν UE ἐπὶ τῷ ὄρει τῷ Ναρθακίῳ ὅ ἐγένοντο. καὶ τότε μὲν δὴ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος τρόπαιόν τε ἐστήσατο μεταξὺ llpavrós καὶ Ναρθακίου" καὶ αὐτοῦ κατέμεινε μάλα ἡδόμενος τῷ ἔργῳ, ὅτι τοὺς μέγιστον φρονοῦντας ἐφ᾽ ἱππικῇ ἐνενικήκει σὺν ᾧ αὐτὸς ἐμηχανήσατο ἱππικῷ. Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ ὑπερβάλλων. τὰ ᾿Αχαϊκὰ τῆς Φθίας ὄρη τὴν λοιπὴν ἤδη πᾶσαν E. à φιλίας 6 ἐπορεύθη εἰς τὰ Βοιωτῶν ὅρια. ἐνταῦθα δὴ ἀντιτεταγμένους εὑρὼν Θηβαίους, ᾿Αθηναίους, ᾿Αργείους, Κορινθίους, Αἰνιᾶνας, Εὐβοέας καὶ Λοκροὺς ἀμφοτέρους οὐδὲν ἐμέλλησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἀντιπαρέταττε, Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν ἔχων μόραν. καὶ ἥμισυ, τῶν δ᾽ αὐτόθεν συμμάχων Φωκέας καὶ "Opxopevtovs . μόνους τό T ἄλλο 7 στράτευμα, ὅπερ, ἠγάγετο αὐτός. καὶ οὐ τοῦτο λέξων ἔ ἔρχομαι, ὡς πολὺ μὲν ἐλάττους, πολὺ δὲ χείρονας ἔχων ὅμως συνέβαλεν' εἰ γὰρ ταῦτα λέγοιμι, ᾿Αγησίλαόν T dv μοι δοκῶ ἄφρονα ἀποφαίνειν καὶ ἐμαυτὸν μῶρον, ε εἰ ἐπαινοίην τὸν περὶ τῶν μεγίστων εἰκῆ κινδυνεύοντα" ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τάδ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἄγαμαι, ὅτι πλῆθός τε οὐδὲν 82 ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀποθνήσκει. ὡς δὲ τοῦτο ἐγένετο, c I ΝΣ rrt AGESILAUS, u. 3-7 and not to give the enemy a chance of rallying. As for the Thessalians, on seeing the unexpected charge they either did not rally at all, or were captured in the attempt to do so with their horses broadside to the enemy. Polycharmus the Pharsalian, commander 4- of the cavalry, did indeed turn, and fell fighting along with those about him. Hereupon ensued a . wild flight, so that some of the enemy were killed and some were taken prisoners: at any rate they never halted' until they reached Mt, Narthacium. On that day Agesilaus set up a trophy between 5 Pras and Narthacium, and here for the moment he paused, mightily pleased with his exploit, since he had defeated an enemy inordinately proud of his horsemanship with the cavalry that he had himself ereated. On the morrow he crossed the Achaean mountains in Phthia, and now his route led him through friendly country till he reached the borders of Boeotia. Here he found arrayed against him the Thbebans, 6 Athenians,Argives,Corinthians, Aenianians, Euboeans, and both the Locrian tribes. "Without a moment's delay, in full view of the enemy, he drew up his army for battle. In addition to the army that he had brought with him he had a regiment and a half of Lacedaemonians, and of the local allies only the Phoeians and Orchomenians, Now | am not going 7 to say that his forces were far inferior in numbers and in quality, and that nevertheless he accepted battle. That statement, I think, would but show a want of common sense in Agesilaus and my own folly in praising a leader who wantonly jeopardised interests of vital moment. On the contrary —and this is what I do admire him for—he brought into 83 10 l1 XENOPHON μεῖον. ἢ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων παρεσκευάσατο ὥπλισέ τε οὕτως, ὡς ἅπαντα μὲν χαλκόν, ἅπαντα δὲ φοινικᾶ φαίνεσθαι: ἐπεμελήθη δ᾽, ὅπως οἱ στρα- τιῶται τοὺς “πόνους δυνήσοιντο ὑποφέρειν: ἐνέ- πλησε δὲ καὶ φρονήματος τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν, ὡς ἱκανοὶ εἶεν πρὸς οὕστινας δέοι μάχεσθαι" ἔτι δὲ φιλονικίαν ἐνέβαλε πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὅπως ἕκαστοι αὐτῶν ἄριστοι φαίνοιντο. ἐλπίδων γε μὴν πάντας ἐνέπλησεν, ὡς πᾶσι πολλὰ κἀγαθὰ ἔ ἔσοιτο, εἰ ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ γίγνοιντο, νομίζων ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων ἀνθρώπους προθυμό- τατα τοῖς πολεμίοις μάχεσθαι. καὶ μέντοι οὐκ ἐψεύσθη. , Διηγήσομαι δὲ καὶ τὴν μάχην' καὶ γὰρ ἐ ἐγένετο οἵαπερ οὐκ ἄλλη τῶν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν. συνήεσαν μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὸ κατὰ Κορώνειαν πεδίον οἱ μὲν σὺν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ ἀπὸ τοῦ Κηφισοῦ, οἱ δὲ σὺν τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ελικῶνος. ἑώρων δὲ τάς τε φάλαγγας ἀλλήλων μάλα ἰσομάχους, σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἱππεῖς ἦσαν ἑκατέρων ἰσοπληθεῖς. εἶχε δὲ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος μὲν τὸ δεξιὸν τοῦ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, ᾿Ορχομένιοι δὲ ἔ ἔσχατοι ἦσαν αὐτῷ τοῦ εὐωνύμου. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Θηβαῖοι αὐτοὶ μὲν δεξιοὶ ἢ ἦσαν, ᾿Αργεῖοι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ εὐώνυμον εἶχον. συνιόντων δὲ, τέως μὲν σιγὴ πολλὴ ἣν ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων: ἡνίκα δὲ ἀπεῖχον ἀλλήλων͵ ὅσον στάδιον, ἀλαλάξαντες οἱ Θηβαῖοι δρόμῳ ὁμόσε ἐφέροντο. ὡς δὲ τριῶν ἔτι πλέθρων ἐν μέσῳ ὄντων. ἀντεξέδραμον ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αγησιλάου φάλαγγος ὧν Ἡριππίδας ἐξε- νάγει (ἦσαν δ᾽ οὗτοι τῶν τε ἐξ οἴκου αὐτῷ συστρατευσαμένων καὶ τῶν Κυρείων τινές)! καὶ Ἴωνες δὲ καὶ Αἰολεῖς καὶ ᾿Ελλησπόντιοι ἐγόμενοι. 7) 84 AGESILAUS, τὸ 7-11 the field an army not a whit inferior to the enemy's ; he so armed it that it looked one solid mass of bronze and scarlet; he took care to render his men 8 capable of meeting all calls on their endurance ; he filled their hearts with confidence that they were able to withstand any and every enemy ; he inspired them all with an eager determination to out-do one another in valour; and lastly he filled all with an- ticipation that many good things would befall them, if only they proved good men. For he believed that men so prepared fight with all their might; nor in point of fact did he deceive himself. I will describe the battle, for there has been none 9 like it in our time. The two armies met in the plain of Coronea, Agesilaus advancing from the Cephisus, the Thebans and their allies from Helicon. Their eyes told them that the opposing lines of battle were exactly matched in strength, and the number of cavalry on both sides was about the same. Agesilaus was on the right wing of his army and had the Orchomenians on his extreme left. On the other side the Thebans themselves were on the right wing and the Argives held the left. Asthey approached both sides for a time maintained com- plete silence, but when they were about a furlong apart, the Thebans raised the battle-cry and rushed forward at the double. "The distance between them was still about one hundred yards when the mer- cenary troops under Herippidas, consisting of the men who had gone with Agesilaus from home and some of the Cyreians, dashed out in turn from their main body, closely followed by Ionians, Aeolians and 1 The parenthesis is due to Lippelt: S.; with the MSS., has a full stop after ἐξενάγει, and no break after τινές. 85 11 12 13 XENOPHON καὶ πάντες οὗτοι τῶν συνεκδραμόντων τε ἐγένοντο καὶ εἰς δόρυ ἀφικόμενοι ἐτρέψαντο τὸ καθ᾽ € ἑαυ- τούς. ᾿Αργεῖοι μέντοι οὐκ ἐδέξαντο τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αγησίλαον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλικῶνα: κἀνταῦθα οἱ μέν τινες τῶν ξένων ἐστεφάνουν ἤδη τὸν ᾿Αγησίλαον, ἀγγέλλει δέ τις αὐτῷ, ὅτι Θηβαῖοι τοὺς ᾿Ὀρχομενίους διακόψαντες ἐν τοῖς σκευοφόροις εἰσί. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξελίξας τὴν φάλαγγα ἦγεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς" οἱ δ᾽ αὖ Θηβαῖοι ὡς εἶδον τοὺς συμμάχους πρὸς τῷ Ἑλικῶνι πεφευ- γότας, διαπεσεῖν βουλόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἐχώρουν ἐρρωμένως. ᾿Ενταῦθα δὴ ᾿Αγησίλαον ἀνδρεῖον μὲν ἔξεστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφιλόγως, οὐ μέντοι εἵλετό γε τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα" ἐξὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ παρέντι τοὺς δια- πίπτοντας ἑπομένῳ “χειροῦσθαι τοὺς ὄπισθεν οὐκ ἐποίησε τοῦτο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιμέτωπος συνέρραξε τοῖς Θηβαίοις. καὶ συμβαλόντες τὰς ἀσπίδας ἐω- θοῦντο, ἐμάχοντο, ἀπέκτεινον, ἀπέθνησκον. καὶ κραυγὴ μὲν οὐδεμία παρῆν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ CEEE φωνὴ δέ τις ἣν τοιαύτη, οἵαν ὀργή τε καὶ μάχη παράσχοιτ᾽ ἄν. τέλος δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων οἱ μὲν διαπίπτουσι πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ελικῶνα, πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἀπο- χωροῦντες ἀπέθανον. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ἡ μὲν νίκη σὺν ᾿Αγησιλάῳ ἐγένετο, τετρωμένος δ᾽ αὐτὸς προσηνέχθη πρὸς τὴν φά- λαγγα, προσελάσαντές τινες τῶν ἱππέων λέγου- σιν αὐτῷ, ὅτι τῶν πολεμίων ὀγδοήκοντα σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὑπὸ τῷ ναῷ εἰσι, καὶ ἠρώτων, τί χρὴ ποιεῖν. ὁ δὲ καίπερ πολλὰ τραύματα ἔχων πάντοσε καὶ. παντοίοις ὅπλοις ὅμως οὐκ ἐπε- 86 AGESILAUS, i. 11-13 Hellespontines. Allthese took part in the dash, and coming within spear-thrust put to flight the force in front of them. As for the Argives, they fled towards Helicon without awaiting the attack of Agesilaus. And now some of the mercenaries were in the act of crowning Agesilaus with a wreath, when a man reported to him that the Thebans had cut their way through the Orchomenians and were among the baggage train. So he immediately wheeled his main body and advanced against them ; and the Thebans in their turn, seeing that their allies had sought refuge at the foot of Mt. Helicon, and wanting to break through and join their friends, made a strong move forward. ^At this juncture one niay say without fear of contradiction that Agesilaus showed courage; but the course that he adopted was not the safest. For he might have allowed the men who were trying to break through to pass, and then have followed them and annihilated those in the rear. Instead of doing that he made a furious frontal attack on the Thebans. Thrusting shield against shield, they shoved and fought and killed and fell. There was no shouting, nor was there silence, but the strange noise that wrath and battle together will produce. In the end some- of the Thebans broke through and reached Helicon, but many fell during the retreat. The victory lay with Agesilaus; but he himself had been carried wounded to his battle-line, when some Mhorsemen rode up, and told him that eighty of the enemy retaining their arms had taken cover in the temple, and they asked what they should do. — Though wounded in every part of . his body with every sort of weapon, he did not 87 14 15 16 17 XENOPHON XáÜero τοῦ θείου, ἀλλ’ ἐᾶν τε ἀπιέναι ὅποι βούλοιντο ἐκέλευε καὶ ἀδικεῖν οὐκ εἴα καὶ προ- πέμψαι ἐπέταξε τοὺς ᾿ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς, ἔστε ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐγένοντο. Ἔπεί γε μὴν ἔληξεν ἡ μάχη, παρῆν δὴ θεά- σασθαι, ἔνθα συνέπεσον ἀλλήλοις, τὴν μὲν γῆν αἵματι πεφυρμένην, νεκροὺς δὲ κειμένους φιλίους καὶ πολεμίους μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἀσπίδας δὲ διατε- θρυμμένας, δόρατα συντεθραυσμένα, ἐγχειρίδια γυμνὰ κολεῶν, τὰ μὲν χαμαί, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν σώματι, τὰ δ᾽ ἔτι μετὰ χεῖρας. τότε μὲν οὖν, καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἤδη ὀψέ, συνελκύσαντες τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων νεκροὺς εἴσω φάλαγγος ἐδειπνοποιήσαντο καὶ ἐκοιμήθησαν: πρωὶ δὲ Γῦλιν τὸν πολέμαρχον παρατάξαι τε ἐκέλευσε τὸ στράτευμα καὶ τρό- παιον ἵστασθαι καὶ στεφανοῦσθαι πάντας τῷ θεῷ καὶ τοὺς αὐλητὰς πάντας αὐλεῖν... Καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίουν: οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔπεμψαν κήρυκα, ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς νεκροὺς αἰτοῦντες θάψαι. καὶ οὕτως δὴ αἵ τε σπονδαὶ γίγνονται καὶ ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος οἴκαδε ἀπεχώρει, ἑλόμενος ἀντὶ τοῦ μέγιστος εἶναι ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ οἴκοι τὰ νόμιμα μὲν ἄρχειν, τὰ νόμιμα δὲ ἄρχεσθαι. Ἔκ δὲ τούτου κατανοήσας τοὺς ᾿Αργείους τὰ μὲν οἴκοι καρπουμένους, Κόρινθον δὲ προσειλη- φότὰς, ἡδομένους δὲ τῷ πολέμῳ στρατεύει ἐπ᾽ αὐτους" καὶ δῃώσας πᾶσαν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν 1 σώματι MSS. ; σώμασι S. 88 AGESILAUS, 1. 13-17 forget his duty towards the gods, but gave orders that these men should be suffered to go whithersoever they wished, and would not suffer them to be harmed, and charged his escort of cavalry to conduct them to a place of safety. : Now that the fighting was at an end, a weird 14 spectacle met the eye, as one surveyed the scene of the conflict—the earth stained with blood, friend and foe lying dead side by side, shields smashed to pieces, spears snapped in two, daggers bared of their sheaths, some on the ground, some embedded in the bodies, some yet gripped by the hand. Then, as the day was far spent, having dragged the enemy's dead 1 within their battle line, they supped and slept. Early next morning Agesilaus ordered Gylis, the polemarch, to draw up the army in battle order and to set up a trophy, and to command every man to wear à wreath in honour of the god? and all the flute-players to play. Now while they were carrying out these orders the Thebans sent a herald, asking leave to bury their dead under protection of a truce. And so a truce was made, and Agesilaus left for home, choosing, instead of supreme power in Asia, to rule and to be ruled at home according to the constitution. . Some time afterwards, finding that the Argives were enjoying the fruits of their land, that they had appropriated Corinth and were finding the war a pleasant occupation, he made an expedition against them. He first laid waste all their territory, then 1 In order that the Thebans might not recover them. But some think τῶν πολεμίων corrupt. * Apollo, 89 15 16 18 19 20 XENOPHON εὐθὺς ἐκεῖθεν ὑπερβαλὼν κατὰ τὰ στενὰ eis Κόρινθον αἱρεῖ τὰ ἐπὶ τὸ Λέχαιον τείνοντα τείχη" καὶ ἀναπετάσας τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὰς πύλας οὕτως οἴκαδε ἀπελθὼν εἰς τὰ Ὑακίνθια, ὅπου ἐτάχθη ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροποιοῦ, τὸν παιᾶνα τῷ θεῷ συνεπετέλει. Ἔκ τούτου δὲ αἰσθανόμενος τοὺς Κορινθίους πάντα μὲν τὰ κτήνη ἐν τῷ Πειραίῳ σωζομένους, πᾶν δὲ τὸ Πείραιον σπείροντας καὶ καρπουμένους, μέγιστον δὲ ἡγησάμενος, ὅτι. Βοιωτοὶ ταύτῃ ἐκ Κρεύσιος ὁρμώμενοι εὐπετῶς τοῖς Κορινθίοις παρεγίγνοντο, στρατεύει ἐπὶ τὸ Πείραιον. ἰδὼν δὲ ὑπὸ πολλῶν φυλαττόμενον, ὡς ἐνδιδομένης τῆς πόλεως, ἐξ ἀρίστου μετεστρατοπεδεύσατο πρὸς τὸ ἄστυ: αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ νύκτα βεβοη- θηκότας ἐκ τοῦ Πειραίου εἰς τὴν πόλιν πασ- συδίᾳ, ὑποστρέψας ἅμα τῇ ἡμέμᾳ αἱρεῖ τὸ Πείραιον ἔρημον εὑρὼν φυλακῆς καὶ τά τε ἄλλα τὰ ἐνόντα λαμβάνει καὶ τὰ τείχη, ἃ ἐνετετεί- χίστο. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας οἴκαδε ἀπεχώρησε. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προθύμων ὄντων τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν καὶ δεομένων συστρατεύειν αὐτοῖς εἰς ᾿Ακαρνανίαν . . .} καὶ ἐπιθεμένων ἐν στενοῖς τῶν ᾿Ακαρνάνων καταλαβὼν τοῖς ψιλοῖς τὰ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς αὐτῶν μάχην συνάπτει καὶ 1 There is no indication of a gap in S. 1 The MSS. of Zellenica, 1v. iv. 19 give κατὰ Τεγέαν in the corresponding passage; this is corrected to xarà Tevéav '*by way of Tenea," which is probably the right reading here. 9o λαμ (000 5n RU Aic mee AGESILAUS, 11. 17-20 erossed to Corinth by the pass! and captured the - walls leading to Lechaeum. Having thus unbarred . the gates of Peloponnese, he returned home for the festival of Hyacinthus? and joined. in singing the paean in honour of the god,? taking the place assigned to him by the clroirmaster. After a time, discovering that the Corinthians 18 were keeping all their cattle safe in Peiraeum, and - sowing and reaping the crops throughout that dis- trict, and—what he thought most serious—that the Boeotians were finding this route convenient for sending support to the Corinthians, with Creusis as their base, he marched against Peiraeum. Seeing that it was strongly guarded, he moved his camp after the morning meal to a position before the capital, as though the city was about to surrender. But becoming aware that supports had been hurriedly 19 poured into the city during the night from Peiraeum, he turned about at daybreak and captured Peiraeum, finding it undefended, and everything in it, along with the fortresses that stood there, fell into his hands. Having done this, he returned home. — A After these events, the Achaeans, who were zealous 20 advocates of the alliance, begged him to join them in an expedition against Acarnania. . . .* And when - the Acarnanians attacked him in a mountain pass he — seized the heights above their heads with his light - infantry,5 fought an engagement and, after inflicting * Celebr«,2d annually at Amyclae, early in the summer. * Apollo, who had accidentally killed H yacinthus. * Something seems to be lost here, probably a passage that ended with the words συστρατεύει αὐτοῖς eis 'Axapvavíay. — δ The words τοῖς ψιλοῖς are probably a correction by X. ; he —— says the heights were taken by the heavy infantry in Helleniea, Bv. vi, 11. 91 21 22 23 XENOPHON πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνας αὐτῶν τρόπαιον ἐστήσατο καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἔληξε, πρὶν ᾿Αχαιοῖς μὲν φίλους ἐποίησεν ᾿Ακαρνᾶνας καὶ Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ 'Ap- γείους, ἑαυτῷ δὲ καὶ συμμάχους. “Ἐπειδὴ δὲ εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμήσαντες οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπρεσβεύοντο, ᾿Αγησίλαος ἀντεῖπε τῇ εἰρήνῃ, ἕως τοὺς διὰ Λακεδαιμονίους φυγόντας Κορινθίων καὶ Θηβαίων ἠνάγκασε τὰς πόλεις οἴκαδε καταδέ- ξασθαι. ὕστερον OÓ αὖ καὶ Φλειασίων τοὺς διὰ Λακεδαιμονίους φυγόντας κατήγαγεν, αὐτὸς στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ Φλειοῦντα. εἰ δέ τις ἄλλῃ πὴ ταῦτα μέμφεται, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν φιλεταιρίᾳ γε πραχθέντα φανερά ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐν Θήβαις τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων κατέκανον οἱ ἐναντίοι, βοηθῶν αὖ τούτοις στρατεύει ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας. εὑρὼν δὲ ἀποτεταφρευμένα καὶ ἀπεσταυρωμένα ἅπαντα, ὑπερβὰς τὰς Κυνὸς κεφαλὰς ἐδήου τὴν χώραν μέχρι τοῦ ἄστεος, παρέχων καὶ ἐν πεδίῳ καὶ ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη μάχεσθαι Θηβαίοις, εἰ βούλοιντο. ἐστράτευσε δὲ καὶ τῷ ἐπιόντι ἔτει πάλιν ἐπὶ Θήβας- καὶ ὑπερβὰς τὰ κατὰ Σκῶλον σταυ- ρώματα καὶ τάφρους ἐδῇωσε τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς Βοιωτίας. Τὰ μὲν δὴ μέχρι τούτου κοινῇ αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ πόλις εὐτύχει: ὅσα γε μὴν μετὰ τοῦτο σφάλματα ἐγένοντο οὐδεὶς ἂν εἴποι ὡς ᾿Αγησιλάου ἡγουμένου ἐπράχθη. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὖ τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις͵ gx. φορᾶς γεγενημένης κατακαίνουσι τοὺς ἐν Τεγεᾳ φίλους καὶ ξένους αὐτοῦ οἱ ἀντίπαλοι σὺν Μαντινεῦσι, συνεστηκότων ἤδη Βοιωτῶν τε πάντων καὶ ᾿Αρκά- 92 AGESILAUS, τι. 20-23 severe losses on them, set up a trophy; nor did he cease until he had induced the Acarnanians, Aetolians and Argives to enter into friendship with the Achaeans and alliance with himself. Brace — When the enemy sent embassies desiring peace, I *! Agesilaus opposed the peace until he forced Corinth la. and Thebes to restore to their homes the citizens who had been exiled on account of their sympathy ?, with the Lacedaemonians, And again later, having led an expedition in person against Phleius, he also restored the Phleiasian exiles who had suffered in the same cause. Possibly some may censure these actions on other grounds, but at least it is obvious that they were prompted by a spirit of true comrade- ship. It was in the same spirit that he subsequently made ar expedition against Thebes, to relieve the Lacedaemonians in that city when their opponents had taken to murdering them. Finding the city pro- tected on all sides by a trench and stockade, he . erossed the Pass of Cynoscephalae, and laid waste the country up to the city walls, offering battle to the Thebans both on the plain and on the hills, if they chose to fight. In the following year he made another expedition against Thebes, and, after crossing the stockade and trenches at Scolus, laid waste the rest of Boeotia. p to this time he and his city enjoyed unbroken success; and though the following years brouglit a series of troubles, it cannot be said that they were ineurred under the leadership of Agesilaus. On the other hand, after the disaster at Leuctra, when his adversaries in league with the Mantineans were murdering his friends and acquaintances in Tegea, and a coalition of all Boeotia, Arcadia and Elis 93 21 24 25 XENOPHON δων xai ᾿Ηλείων, στρατεύει σὺν μόνῃ τῇ Λακε- δαιμονίων δυνάμει, πολλῶν νομιζόντων οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐξελθεῖν Λακεδαιμονίους πολλοῦ χρόνου ἐκ τῆς αὑτῶν. δῃώσας δὲ τὴν χώραν τῶν κατακανόντων τοὺς φίλους οὕτως αὖ οἴκαδε ἀπεχώρησεν. ᾿Από γε μὴν τούτου ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα στρα- τευσαμένων ᾿Αρκάδων τε πάντων καὶ ᾿Αργείων καὶ ᾿Ηλείων καὶ Βοιωτῶν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς Φωκέων καὶ Λοκρῶν ἀμφοτέρων καὶ Θετταλῶν καὶ Αἰνειά- νων καὶ ᾿Ακαρνάνων καὶ Ἐὐβοέων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀφεστηκότων μὲν τῶν δούλων, πολλῶν δὲ περι- οἰκίδων πόλεων, καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιατῶν οὐ μειόνων ἀπαλωλότων ἐν τῇ ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχῃ ?) λειῖπο- μένων, ὅμως διεφύλαξε τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ταῦτα ἀτείχιστον οὖσαν, ὅπου μὲν ἐν παντὶ πλέον ἂν εἶχον οἱ πολέμιοι, οὐκ ἐξάγων ἐνταῦθα, ὅπου δὲ οἱ πολῖται πλέον ἕξειν ἔμελλον, εὐρώστως παρα- τεταγμένος, νομίζων εἰς μὲν τὸ πλατὺ ἐξιὼν πάν- τοθεν ἂν περιέχεσθαι, ἐν δὲ τοῖς στενοῖς καὶ ὑπερδεξίοις τόποις ὑπομένων τῷ παντὶ κρατεῖν ἄν. Ἐπεί γε μὴν ἀπεχώρησε τὸ στράτευμα, πῶς οὐκ ἂν φαίη τις αὐτὸν εὐγνωμόνως χρῆσθαι ἑαυτῷ; ὡς γὰρ τοῦ στρατεύεσθαι αὐτὸν καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἵππων ἀπεῖργεν ἤδη τὸ γῆρας, χρημάτων δὲ ἑώρα τὴν πόλιν δεομένην, εἰ μέλλοι σύμμαχόν τινα ἕξειν, ἐπὶ τὸ πορίζειν ταῦτα ἑαυτὸν ἔταξε. καὶ ὅσα μὲν ἐδύνατο οἴκοι μένων ἐμηχανᾶτο, ἃ δὲ καιρὸς ἦν οὐκ ὦκνει μετιέναι οὐδ᾽ ἠσχύνετο, εἰ μέλλοι τὴν πόλιν ὠφελήσειν, 94 AGESILAUS, τι. 23-25 2.. had been formed, he took the field with the Lacedaemonian forces only, thus disappointing the general expectation that the Lacedaemionians would not even go outside their own borders for a long time to come. lt was not until he had laid waste the country of those who had murdered his friends that he returned home once more. After this Sparta was attacked by all the Arcadians, 24 Argives, Eleians and Boeotians, who had the support of the Phocians, both the Locrian peoples, the Thessalians, Aenianians, Acarnanians and Euboeans. In addition the slaves and many of the outlander ^ communities were in revolt, and at least as many of the Spartan nobles had fallen in the battle of Leuctra assurvived. He kept the city safe notwithstanding, and that though it was without walls, not going out ' into the open where the advantage would have lain wholly with the enemy, and keeping his army strongly posted where the citizens would have the advantage ; for he believed that he would be surrounded on all sides if he came out into the plain, but that if he made a stand in the defiles and the heights, he would be master of the situation. After the retirement of the enemy, none will deny 25 that his conduct was marked by good sense. The marching and riding incidental to active service were no longer possible to a man of his years, but he saw that the state must have money if she was to gain an ally anywhere. So he applied himself to the business of raising money. | Af home he did all that ingenuity could suggest; and, if he saw any prospect of serving the state abroad, shrank from no measures that circumstances called for, and he was not ashamed to go out, not as a general, but as an 47}. du 95 26 27 28 29 30 XENOPHON πρεσβευτὴς ἐκπορευομενος à ἀντὶ στρατηγοῦ. ὅμως δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ πρεσβεία μεγάλου στρατηγοῦ ἔργα διεπράξατο. Αὐτοφραδάτης τε γὰρ πολιορκῶν ἐν "Acao ᾿Αριοβαρξάνην σύμμαχον ὄντα δείσας ᾿Αγησίλαον. φεύγων ῴχετο" Κότυς δ᾽ αὖ Σηστὸν πολιορκῶν ᾿Αριοβαρξάνου ἔτι οὖσαν λύσας “καὶ οὗτος τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀπηλλάγη: ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἀλόγως καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πρεσβείας πρόπαιον τῶν πολεμίων ἑστήκει αὐτῷ. Μαύσωλός γε μὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἑ ἑκατὸν ναυσὶ πολιορκῶν ἀμφότερα τὰ χωρία ταῦτα οὐκέτι δείσας, ἀλλὰ πεισθεὶς ἀπέ- πλευσεν οἴκαδε. κἀνταῦθα οὖν ἄξια θαύματος διεπράξατο: οἵ τε γὰρ εὖ πεπονθέναι νομίζοντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ φεύγοντες αὐτὸν χρήματα ἀμφότεροι ἔδοσαν. Ταχώς γε μὴν καὶ Μαύσωλος, διὰ τὴν πρόσθεν ᾿Αγησιλάου ξενίαν συμβαλό- μενος καὶ οὗτος χρήματα τῇ Λακεδαίμονι, ἀπέπεμψαν αὐτὸν οἴκαδε προπομπὴν δόντες μεγαλοπρεπῆ. Ἔκ δὲ τούτου ἤδη μὲν ἔτη ἐγεγόνει ἀμφὶ τὰ ὀγδοήκοντα" κατανενοηκὼς δὲ τὸν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῷ Πέρσῃ πολεμεῖν καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν πεζούς, πολλοὺς δὲ ( ἱππέας, πολλὰ δὲ χρήματα ἔχοντα ἄσμενος ἤκουσεν, ὅτι μετε- πέμπετο αὐτόν, καὶ ταῦτα ἡγεμονίαν ὑπισχνού- μενος. ἐνόμεξε γὰρ τῇ αὐτῇ ὁρμῇ, τῷ μὲν Αἰγυπτίῳ χάριν ἀποδώσειν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν εὐεργετήκει τὴν Λακεδαίμονα, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ "EXXqvas πάλιν ἐλευθερώσειν, τῷ δὲ Πέρσῃ δίκην ἐπιθήσειν καὶ τῶν πρόσθεν καὶ ὅτι νῦν σύμμαχος εἶναι φάσκων ἐπέταττε Μεσσήνην ἀφιέναι. ἐπεὶ μέντοι ὁ μεταπεμψάμενος οὐκ ἀπεδίδου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν 96 AGESILAUS, πὸ 25-30 envoy. And even as an envoy he accomplished work worthy of a great general For instance, Autophradates laying siege to Ariobarzanes, an ally of Sparta, at Assos, took to his heels from fear of Agesilaus, Cotys for his part, besieging Sestos, while it was still in the hands of Ariobarzanes; broke up the siege and made off. With good reason, therefore, might the victorious envoy have set up a tróphy once again to record these bloodless successes. Again, Mausolus, laying siege to both these places with a feet of a hundred vessels, was induced, not indeed by fear, but by persuasion, to sail for home. In this affair too his success was admirable; for those who considered that they were under an obligation to him and those who fled before him, both paid. | Yet again, Tachos and Mausolus (another of those who. con- tributed money to Sparta, owing to his old ties of hospitality with Agesilaus), sent him home with a magnificent escort. ἡ ! Subsequently, when he was now about eighty years of age, he became aware that the king of t was bent on war with Persia, and was possessed of large forces of infantry and cavalry and plenty of money. He was delighted when a summons for help reached him from the Egyptian king, who actually promised him the chief command. | For he believed that at one stroke he would repay the 26 29 tian for his good offices to Sparta, would again ᾿ set free the Greeks in Asia, and would chastise the Persian for his former hostility, and for demanding now, when he professed to be an ally of Sparta, that her claim to Messene should be given up. , However, when this suitor for his assistance failed to give him 97 VOL. II. E 30 XENOPHON αὐτῷ, ὁ μὲν ᾿Αγησίλαος ὡς τὸ μέγιστον ἐξηπατη- μένος ἐφρόντιζε, τί δεῖ ποιεῖν. ἐκ τούτου δὲ πρῶτον μὲν οἱ δίχα στρατευόμενοι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἀφίστανται τοῦ βασιλέως, ἔ ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες ἀπέλιπον αὐτόν. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν. δείσας ἀπεχώρησε φυγῇ εἰς Σιδῶνα τῆς Φοινίκης, οἱ δ᾽ Αἰγύπτιοι στασιάζοντες διττοὺς βασιλέας αἱροῦν- 31 ται. ἐνταῦθα δὴ ᾿Αγησίλαος γνούς, ὅτε εἰ μὲν μηδετέρῳ συλλήψοιτο, μισθὸν οὐδέτερος λύσει τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν, ἀγορὰν δὲ οὐδέτερος παρέξει, ὁπότερός T' ἂν κρατήσῃ, οὗτος ἐχθρὸς ἔσται: εἰ δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ συλλήψοιτο, οὗτός γε εὖ παθὼν ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς φίχος ἔσοιτο, οὕτω δὴ κρίνας, ὁπότερος φιλέλλην μᾶλλον ἐδόκει εἶναι, στρατευσάμενος μετὰ τούτου τὸν μὲν μισέλληνα μάχῃ νικήσας χειροῦται, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον συγκαθίστησι' καὶ φίλον ποιήσας τῇ Λακεδαίμονε καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ προσλαβὼν οὕτως ἀποπλεῖ οἴκαδε καίπερ μέσου χειμῶνος ὄντος, σπεύδων, ὡς μὴ ἀργὸς “ἡ πόλις εἰς τὸ ἐπιὸν θέρος πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους γένοιτο. ^ III. Kai ταῦτα μὲν δὴ εἴρηται ὅσα τῶν ἐκείνου ἔργων μετὰ, πλείστων μαρτύρων ἐπράχθη. τὰ γὰρ τοιαῦτα οὐ τεκμηρίων προσδεῖται, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναμνῆσαι μόνον ἀρκεῖ καὶ εὐθὺς πιστεύεται. νῦν δὲ τὴν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ αὐτοῦ ἀρετὴν πειράσομαι δηλοῦν, δι’ ἣν ταῦτα ἔπραττε καὶ πάντων τῶν καλῶν ἤρα καὶ πάντα τὰ αἰσχρὰ ἐξεδίωκεν. 2. ᾿Αγησίλαος γὰρ τὰ μὲν θεῖα οὕτως ἐσέβετο, ὡς καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι τοὺς ἐκείνου ὅρκους καὶ τὰς 98 AGESILAUS, ii. 30-1. 2 the command Agesilaus felt that he had been grossly deceived, and was in doubt what he ought todo. Αἱ this juneture first a portion of the Egyptian troops, operating as a separate army, revolted from the king, and then the rest of his forces deserted him. The king left Egypt and fledinterror to Sidon in Phoenicia, while the Egyptians split up into two parties, and each chose its own king. Agesilaus now realised that if 31 he helped neither king, neither of them would pay the Greeks their wages, neither would provide a market, and the conqueror, whichever he proved to be, would be hostile, but if he co-operated with one of them, that one, being under an obligation to him, would in all probability adopt a friendly attitude. Accordingly,having decided which of themshowed the stronger signs of being a friend to the Greeks, he took the field with him. He inflicted a crushing defeat on the enemy οὗ the Greeks, and helped to establish his rival; and so having made him the friend of Sparta, and having received a 2»c. great sum of money in addition, he sailed home, though it was mid-winter, with all haste, in order that the state might be in a position to take action inst her enemies in the coming summer. III. Such, then, is the record of my hero's deeds, so far as they were done before a crowd of witnesses. Actions like these need no proofs; the mere mention of them is enough and they command belief immedi- ately. But now I will attempt to show the virtue that was in his soul, the virtue through which he wrought those deeds and loved all that is honourable and put away all that is base. — - Agesilaus had such reverence for religion, that 2 even his enemies considered his oaths and his 99 e σι XENOPHON . . ἐκείνου σπονδὰς πιστοτέρας ἐνόμιξον ἢ τὴν ἑαυτῶν φιλίαν" οἱ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔστιν ὅτε μὲν ὥκνουν εἰς ταὐτὸν ἰέναι, ᾿Αγησιχάῳ͵ δὲ αὑτοὺς ἐγχείριζον. ὅπως δὲ μή τις ᾿ἀπιστῇ, καὶ ὀνομάσαι βούλομαι τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους αὐτῶν. Σπιθριδάτης μέν γε ὁ Iépons εἰδώς, ὅτι Φαρνάβαξος γῆμαι “μὲν τὴν βασιλέως ἔπραττε θυγατέρα, τὴν δ᾽. αὐτοῦ ἄνευ γάμου λαβεῖν ἐβούλετο, ὕβριν νομίσας τοῦτο ᾿Αγησιλάῳ ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἐνεχείρισε. Κότυς δὲ ὁ τῶν Παφλαγόνων ἄρχων βασιλεῖ μὲν οὐ ὑπήκουσε δεξιὰν πέμποντι, φοβούμενος, μὴ ληφθεὶς ἢ χρήματα πολλὰ ἀποτίσειεν ἢ «ai ἀποθάνοι, ᾿Αγησιχάου δὲ καὶ οὗτος ταῖς σπονδαῖς πιστεύσας εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδόν τε ἦλθε καὶ συμ- μαχίαν ποιησάμενος εἵλετο σὺν ᾿Αγησιλάφ' στρα- τεύεσθαι, χιλίους μὲν ἱππέας, δισ (λίους δὲ πελτοφόρους “ἔχων. ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ αρνάβαζος ᾿Αγησιλάῳ εἰς λόγους καὶ διωμολόγησεν, εἰ μὴ αὐτὸς πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς στρατηγὸς καταστα- θείη, ἀποστήσεσθαι βασιλέως: ἢν μέντοι ἐγὼ γένωμαι στρατηγός, ἔφη, πολεμήσω. σοι, ὦ ᾿Αγησίλαε, ὡς ἂν ἐγὼ δύνωμαι, κράτιστα. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἐπίστευε μηδὲν ἂν παράσπονδον παθεῖν, οὕτω μέγα καὶ καλὸν κτῆμα τοῖς τε ἄλλοις ἅπασι καὶ ἀνδρὶ δὴ στρατηγῷ τὸ ὅσιόν τε καὶ πιστὸν εἶναί τε καὶ ὄντα ἐγνῶσθαι. καὶ περὶ μὲν εὐσεβείας Ταῦτα. ἃ The text here is quite uncertain: there is a gap in the manuscripts after φιλίαν. IOO AGESILAUS, 1n. 2-5 treaties more to be relied on tban their own friend- ship with one another: for there were'times when they shrank from meeting together! and yet would place themselves in the power of Agesilaus. And lest anyone should think this statement incred- ible, I wish to name the most famous among them. Spithridates the Persian, for example; knew that 3 JPharisdbeius was negotiating for a marriage with the Great King's daughter, and intended to take his, Spithridates', daughter as a concubine. garding this as an outrage, he delivered himself, his wife, his children and all that he had into Agesilaus' hands. Cotys, ruler of the Paphlagonians, who had disobeyed 4 the command ofthe Great King, though it was accom- panied with the symbol of friendship,? feared that he would be seized and either be fined heavily or even put to death; but. he too, trusting in the armistice with Agesilaus, came to his camp and having entered into alliance elected to take the field at Agesilaus side with a thousand horse and two thousand targeteers. And Pharnabazus too came 5 and parleyed with Agesilaus, and made agreement with him that if he were not himself appointed the Persian general, he would revolt from the Great King. * But," he said, * if I become general, I shall make war on you, Agesilaus, with all my might." . He used this language in full confidence that nothing contrary to the terms of the armistice would happen to him. 80 great and so noble a treasure has every man, and above all a general, who is upright and trustworthy and is known to be 50. 80 much, then, for the virtue of Piety. * The *'right hand," often mentioned as a pledge of good faith or friendship. IOI XENOPHON IV. Περί γε μὴν «.τῆς eis χρήματα δικαιοσύνης ποῖα ἄν τὶς μείζω τεκμήρια ἔχοι τῶνδε; ὑπὸ γὰρ ᾿Αγησιλάου στέρεσθαι μὲν οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν πώποτε ἐνεκάλεσεν, εὖ δὲ πεπονθέναι πολλοὶ πολλὰ ὡμολόγουν. ὅτῳ δὲ ἡδὺ τὰ αὑτοῦ διδόναι ἐπ᾿ ὠφελείᾳ ἀνθρώπων, πῶς ἂν οὗτος ἐθέλοι τὰ ἀλλότρια ἀποστερεῖν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κακόδοξος εἶναι ; εἰ γὰρ χρημάτων ἐπιθυμοίη, πολὺ ἀπραγμονέστερον τὰ αὑτοῦ φυλάττειν ἢ τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα λαμβά- νειν. ὃς δὲ δὴ καὶ χάριτας ἀποστερεῖν μὴ ἐθέλοι, ὧν οὐκ εἰσὶ δίκαι πρὸς τὸν μὴ ἀποδιδόντα, πῶς ἅ γε καὶ νόμος κωλύει ἐθέλοι ἂν ἀποστερεῖν ; ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ οὐ μόνον τὸ μὴ ἀποδιδόναι χάριτας ἄδικον ἔκρινεν; ἀλχὰ καὶ TO μὴ πολὺ μείζους τὸν μείζω δυνάμενον. τά γε μὴν τῆς πόλεως κλέπτειν πῆ ἄν τις αὐτὸν εἰκότως αἰτιάσαιτο, ὃς καὶ τὰς αὐτῷ χάριτας ὀφειλομένας τῇ πατρίδι καρποῦσθαι παρεδίδου; τὸ δ᾽ ὁπότε βούλοιτο εὖ ποιεῖν ἢ πόλιν ἢ φίλους χρήμασι, δύνασθαι παρ᾽ ἑτέρων λαμβάνοντα ὠφελεῖν, οὐ καὶ τοῦτο μέγα τεκμή- ριον ἐγκρατείας χρημάτων ; εἰ γὰρ ἐπώλει τὰς χάριτας ἢ μισθοῦ εὐεργέτει, οὐδεὶς ἂν οὐδὲν ὀφείλειν αὐτῷ ἐνόμισεν: ἀλλ᾽’ οἱ προῖκα εὖ πεπονθότες, οὗτοι ἀεὶ ἡδέως ὑπηρετοῦσι τῷ εὐεργέτῃ καὶ διότι εὖ ἔπαθον καὶ διότι προ- επιστεύθησαν ἄξιοι εἶναι παρακαταθήκην χάριτος φυλάττειν. Ὅστις δ᾽ ἠρεῖτο καὶ σὺν τῷ γενναίῳ μειονεκτεῖν ἢ σὺν τῷ ἀδίκῳ πλέον ἔχειν, πῶς οὗτος οὐκ ἂν 1 Symposiwin, viii. 36. 102 AGESILAUS, iv. τος IV. Next comes his Justice in money matters. Of this what proofs can be more convincing than the following? No man ever made any complaint that he * had been defrauded by Agesilaus : but many acknow- ledged that they had received many benefits from him. One who delighted to give away his own for the good of others could not possibly be minded to defraud others at the price of disgrace. For if he had coveted money it would have cost him far less trouble to keep his own than to take what did not belong to him. Α man who would not leave unpaid 2 debts of gratitude, which are not recoverable in the courts, cannot have been minded to commit thefts that are forbidden by law. And Agesilaus held it wrong not only to repudiate a debt of gratitude, but, having greater means, not to render in return a much greater kindness. Again, with what show of 3 reason could embezzlement of public property be charged against a man who bestowed on his father- land the rewards due to himself? And is it not a striking proof of his freedom from avarice that he was able to get money from others, whenever he wanted, for the purpose of rendering financial assist- ance to the state or his friends? For had he been 4 in the habit of selling his favours or taking payment for his benefactions, no one would have felt that he owed him anything. lt is the recipient of unbought, gratuitous benefits who is always glad to oblige his . benefactor in return for the kindness he has received and in acknowledgment of the trust reposed in him as a worthy and faithful guardiari of a favour.! Further, is it not certain that the man who by a 5 noble instinct refused to take more and preferred to take less than his just share was far beyond the reach 103 XENOPHON πολυ τὴν αἰσχροκέρδειαν ἀποφεύγοι ; ἐκεῖνος τοίνυν κριθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἅπαντα ἔχειν τὰ Ἄγιδος τὰ ἡμίσεα τοῖς ἀπὸ μητρὸς αὐτῷ ὁμογό- vois μετέδωκεν, ὅτι πενομένους αὐτοὺς ἑώρα. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἀληθῆ, πᾶσα μάρτυς ἡ τῶν Λακεδαι- 6 μονίων πόλις. διδόντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάμπολλα δῶρα Τιθραύστου, εἰ ἀπέλθοι ἐκ τῆς χώρας, ἀπεκρίνατο ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος: Ὦ, Τιθραύστα, νομίζεται παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τῷ ἄρχοντι κάλλιον εἶναι τὴν στρατιὰν ἢ ἑαυτὸν πλουτίζειν καὶ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων λάφυρα μᾶλλον πειρᾶσθαι ἢ δῶρα λαμβάνειν. V. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ ὅσαι γε ἡδοναὶ πολλῶν κρατοῦσιν ἀνθρώπων, ποίας οὖδέ τις ᾿Αγησίλαον ἡττηθέντα ; ὃς μέθης μὲν ἀποσχέσθαι ὁμοίως dero χρῆναι καὶ μανίας, σίτων δ᾽ ὑπὲρ καιρὸν ὁμοίως καὶ ἀργίας. διμοιρίαν γε μὴν λαμβάνων ἐν ταῖς θοίναις οὐχ ὅπως ἀμφοτέραις ἐχρῆτο, ἀλλὰ διαπέμπων οὐδετέραν αὑτῷ κατέλειπε, νομίξων βασιλεῖ τοῦτο διπλασιασθῆναι οὐχὶ πλησμονῆς ἕνεκα, ἀλλ’ ὅπως ἔχοι καὶ τούτῳ 2 τιμᾶν εἴ τινα βούλοιτο. οὐ μὴν ὕπνῳ γε δεσπότῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρχομένῳ ὑπὸ τῶν πράξεων ἐχρῆτο καὶ εὐνήν γε εἰ μὴ τῶν συνόντων φαυλοτάτην ἔχοι, αἰδούμενος οὐκ ἄδηλος ἦν: ἡγεῖτο γὰρ ἄρχοντι προσήκειν οὐ μαλακίᾳ, ἀλλὰ καρτερίᾳ τῶν ἰδιώ- τῶν περιεῖναι. 8 Τάδε μέντοι πλεονεκτῶν οὐκ ἠσχύνετο, ἐν μὲν τῷ θέρει τοῦ ἡλίου, ἐν δὲ τῷ χειμῶνι τοῦ ψύχους" καὶ μὴν εἴ ποτε μοχθῆσαι στρατιᾷ συμβαίη, ——32 μανίας and ἀργίας are adopted from the text of Athenaeus, who refers to this passage (p. 613 c). The MSS. of the 104 AGESILAUS, tv. 5-v. 3 of covetousness? «Now when the state pronounced him sole heir to the property of Agis, he gave half of it to his mother's kinsfolk, because he saw that they were in want; and all Lacedaemon bears wit- , ness that my statement is true. On receiving from 6 ^ Tithraustes an offer of gifts unnumbered if only he would leave his country, Agesilaus answered: * Among us, Tithraustes, a ruler's honour requires him to enrich his army rather than himself, and to take spoils rather than gifts from the enemy." V. Again, among all the pleasures that prove too strong for many men, who can mention one to which Agesilaus yielded? Drunkenness, he thought, should [^ be avoided like madness, overeating like idleness.! Moreover, he received a double ration at the public meals, but instead of consuming both portions himself, he distributed both «nd left neither for himself, holding that the purpose of this double allowance to the king was not to provide him with a heavy meal, but to give him the opportunity of honouring whomso- ever he would. ./As for sleep,? it was not his master, 2 but the servant of his activities; and unless he occupied the humblest bed among his comrades, he could not conceal his shame : for he thought that a ruler's superiority over ordinary men should be shown not by weakness but by endurance. There were things, to be sure, of which he was nót ashamed to take more than his share—for in- stance, the summer's heat and the winter's cold : and whenever his army was faced with a hard task, Agesilaus have λαιμαργίας, *''gluttony," and ἁμαρτίας, *' error ἢἢ * Lac. Pol., xv. 4 ; Cyropaedia, v1. ii. 4. 3 Cyropaedia, 1. iv. 25, 105 XENOPHON - ἑκὼν ἐπόνει παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους, νομίζων πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα παραμυθίαν εἷναι τοῖς στρατιώταις. ὡς δὲ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, ᾿Αγησίλαος πονῶν μὲν ἠγάλλετο, ῥᾳστώνην δὲ πάμπαν οὐ προσίετο. 303 Περί ye μὴν ἀφροδισίων ἐγκρατείας αὐτοῦ ἄρ᾽ οὐχὶ εἰ μή του ἄχλου ἀλλὰ θαύματος ἕνεκα ἄξιον μνησθῆναι; τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὧν μὴ ἐπεθύμησεν ἀπέχεσθαι ἀνθρώπινον ἄν τις φαίη εἶναι" τὸ δὲ Μεγαβάτου τοῦ Σπιθριδάτου παιδὸς ἐρασθέντα, ὥσπερ ἂν ποῦ καλλίστου ἡ σφοδροτάτη φύσις ἐρασθείη, ἔπειτα ἡνίκα, ἐπιχωρίου ὄντος τοῖς ἸΠέρσαις φιλεῖν οὺς ἂν τιμῶσιν, ἐπεχείρησε καὶ ὁ Μεγαβάτης φιλῆσαι. τὸν ᾿Αγησίλαον, διαμά- χεσθαι ἀνὰ κράτος τὸ μὴ ᾿φιληθῆναι, dp "οὐ τοῦτό γε ἤδη τὸ σωφρόνημα καὶ λίαν γεννικόν ; ἐπεὶ δὲ ὥσπερ ἀτιμασθῆναι νομίσας ὁ Μεγαβάτης τοῦ λοιποῦ οὐκέτι φιλεῖν. ἐπειρᾶτο, προσφέρει τινὶ λόγον τῶν ἑταίρων ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος πείθειν τὸν Μεγαβάτην πάλιν τιμᾶν ἑαυτόν. ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ éraípov, ἢν πεισθῇ ὁ Μεγαβάτης, εἰ φιλήσει, ἐνταῦθα διασιωπήσας ὁ ᾿Αγησίλαος εἶπεν: Οὐ τὼ σιώ, οὐδ᾽ εἰ μέλλοιμί γε αὐτίκα μάλα κἀλλιστός τε καὶ ἰσχυρότατος καὶ τάχιστος ἀνθρώπων ἔσεσθαι" μάχεσθαί γε μέντοι πάλιν τὴν αὐτὴν μάχην ὄμνυμι πάντας θεοὺς 7 μὴν μᾶλλον βούλεσθαι ἢ πάντα μοι ὅσα ὁρῶ χρυσᾶ γενέσθαι. καὶ ὅ τι μὲν δὴ ὑπολαμβάνουσί τινες ταῦτα, οὐκ ἀγνοῶ" ἐγὼ μέντοι δοκῶ εἰδέναι, ὅ ὅτι πολὺ πλέονες τῶν πολεμίων ἢ τῶν τοιούτων δύνανται κρατεῖν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὀλίγων εἰδότων πολλοῖς ἔξεστιν ἀπιστεῖν' τὰ δὲ πάντες ἐπιστάμεθα, ὅτι ἥκιστα μὲν οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι 106 AGESILAUS, s. 3-6 ys toiled willingly beyond all others, believing that all such actions were an encouragement to the men. Not to labour the'point, Agesilaus gloried in hard work, and showed a strong distaste for indolence. His habitual control of his affections surely deserves 4 a tribute of admiration, if worthy of mention on no . other ground. That he should keep at arms' length those whose intimacy he did not desire may be thought only human. But he loved Megabates, the handsome son of Spithridates, with all the intensity of an ardent nature. Now it is the custom ! among the Persians to bestow a kiss on those whom they honour. -Yet when Megabates attempted to kiss him, Agesilaus resisted his advances with all his might—an act of punctilious moderation surely! Megabates, feeling himself slighted, tried no more 5 to kiss him, and Agesilaus approached one of his companions with a request that he would persuade Megabates to show him honour once again. ** Will you kiss him," asked his companion, “1ξ Megabates yields?" — After a deep silence, Agesilaus gave his reply : * By the twin gods, no, not if I were straight- way to be the fairest and strongest and fleetest man on earth! By all the gods 1 swear that I would rather fight that same battle over again than that everything I see should turn into gold." What 6 opinion some hold in regard to these matters 1 know well enough; but for my part I am persuaded that many more men can gain the mastery over their enemies than over impulses such as these.? No doubt when these things are known to few, many have a right to be sceptical: but we all know this, that the 2 Cyropaedia, τ, iv. 27. 3. Anabasis, τι. vi. 28. 107 -» XENOPHON τῶν ἀνθρώπων λανθάνουσιν ὅ τι ἂν ποιῶσιν" ᾿Αγησίλαον δέ τι πράξαντα μὲν τοιοῦτον οὔτε ἰδὼν πώποτε οὐδεὶς ἀνήγγειλεν οὔτε εἰκάζων πιστὰ ἂν ἔδοξε λέγειν. καὶ γὰρ εἰς οἰκίαν μὲν οὐδεμίαν ἰδίᾳ ἐν ἀποδημίᾳ κατήγετο, ἀεὶ δὲ ἣν ἢ e ἐν ἱερῷ, ἔνθα δὴ ἀδύνατον τὰ τοιαῦτα πράττειν, ἢ ἐν φανερῷ, μάρτυρας, τοὺς πάντων ὀφθαλμοὺς τῆς σωφροσύνης ποιούμενος. εἰ δ᾽ ἐγὼ ταῦτα ψεύδομαι ἀντία τῆς Ελλάδος ἐπισταμένης, ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπαινῶ, ἐμαυτὸν. δὲ ψέγω. VI. ᾿Ανδρείας γε μὴν οὐκ ἀφανῆ τεκμήριά μοι δοκεῖ παρασχέσθαι ὑφιστάμενος μὲν ἀεὶ πολεμεῖν πρὸς τοὺς ἐσ υροτάτους τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῇ τε πόλει καὶ τῇ "EXAÁ L, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρὸς τούτους ἀγῶσι πρῶτον ἑαυτὸν τάττων. ἔνθα γε μὴν ἠθέλησαν αὐτῷ οἱ πολέμιοι. μάχην συνάψαι, οὐ φόβῳ τρεψάμενος νίκης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ μάχῃ ἀντιτύπῳ κρατήσας τρόπαιον ἐστήσατο, ἀθάνατα μὲν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρετῆς μνημεῖα καταλιπών, σαφῆ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς σημεῖα ἀπενεγκάμενος τοῦ θυμῷ μάχεσθαι" ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἀκούοντας, ἀλλ᾽ ὁρῶντας ἐξῆν αὐτοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν δοκιμάξειν. τρόπαια μὴν ᾿Αγησιλάου οὐχ ὅσα ἐστήσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ἐστ ατεύσατο δί- καιον νομίξειν. μεῖον uev yàp οὐδὲν ἐκράτει, ὅτε οὐκ ἤθελον αὐτῷ οἱ πολέμιοι μάχεσθαι, ἀκινδυ- νότερον δὲ καὶ συμφορώτερον τῇ τε πόλει καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις" καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν ἧττον τοὺς ἀκονιτὶ ἢ τοὺς διὰ μάχης νικῶντας στεφανοῦσι. ..* Memorabilia, τ. i. 11. ? "The reference is not general, but definitely to the battle of Coronea; see c. ii, ὃ 11-13. 108 AGESILAUS, v. 6-vi. 3 greater a man's fame, the fiercer is the light that beats on all his actions;! we know too that no one ever reported that he had seen Agesilaus do any ἢ ΟἿΣ such thing, and that no scandal oed on conjecture mm would have gained credence; Mor it was not his7 habit, when abroad, to lodge apart in a private house, but he was always either in a temple, where conduct of this sort is, of course, impossible, or else in a public place where all men's eyes became witnesses of his'rectitude. If I speak this falsely against the knowledge ofthe Greek world, I am in no way praising my hero; but | am censuring myself. -VL As for Courage, he seems to me to have afforded clear proofs of that by always engaging himself to fight against the strongest enemies of his state and of Greece, and by —— himself in the forefront of the struggle. /When the enemy 2 were willing to join battle with him,? it was not by their panic flight that he won victory, but it was after overcoming them in stubborn fighting that he set up a trophy, leaving behind him imperishable memorials- of his own valour, and bearing in his own body visible tokens of the fury of his fighting, so that not by hearsay but by the evidence οὕ their own eyes men could judge what manner of man he was. In 3 truth the trophies of Agesilaus are not to be counted by telling how many he set up; the number of his campaigns is the number of them. His mastery was in no way less.complete when the enemy were unwilling to accept battle, but it was gained at less risk and with more profit to the state and to the allies. So in the Great Games the unchallenged champion is crowned no less than he who has fought to conquer. | 109 4 σι “2 XENOPHON Τήν γε μὴν σοφίαν αὐτοῦ ποῖαι τῶν ἐκείνου πράξεων οὐκ ἐπιδεικνύουσιν ; ὃς τῇ μὲν πατρίδι οὕτως ἐχρῆτο, ὥστε μάλιστα πειθόμενος 1 ἑταί- ροις δὲ πρόθυμος ὧν ἀπροφασίστους τοὺς φίλους ἐκέκτητο" τοὺς δέ γε στρατιώτας ἅμα πειθο- μένους καὶ φιλοῦντας αὐτὸν παρεῖχε. καίτοι πῶς ἂν ἰσχυροτέρα γένοιτο φάλαγξ ἢ διὰ τὸ μὲν πείθεσθαι εὔτακτος οὖσα, διὰ δὲ τὸ φιλεῖν τὸν ἄρχοντα πιστῶς παροῦσα; τούς γε μὴν πολεμίους εἶχε ψέγειν μὲν οὐ δυναμένους, μισεῖν δὲ ἀναγκαζομένους. τοὺς γὰρ συμμάχους ἀεὶ πλέον ἔχειν ἀὐτῶν ἐμηχανᾶτο, ἐξαπατῶν μὲν ὅπου καιρὸς εἴη, φθάνων δὲ ὅπου τάχους δέοι, λήθων δὲ ὅπου τοῦτο συμφέροι, πάντα δὲ τά- ναντία πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἐπιτηδεύων. καὶ γὰρ νυκτὶ μὲν ὅσαπερ ἡμέρᾳ ἐχρῆτο, ἡμέρᾳ δὲ ὅσαπερ νυκτί, πολλάκις ἄδηλος γυγνόμενος ὅπου Te. εἴη καὶ ὅποι ἴοι καὶ ὅ τι ποιήσοι. ὥστε καὶ τὰ ἐχυρὰ ἀνώχυρα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καθίστη, τὰ μὲν παριών, τὰ δὲ ὑπερ- βαίνων, τὰ δὲ κλέπτων. ὁπότε γε μὴν πορεύοιτο εἰδώς, ὅτε ἐξείη τοῖς πολεμίοις μάχεσθαι, εἰ βούλοιντο, συντεταγμένον μὲν οὕτως ἦγε τὸ στράτευμα, ὡς ἂν ἐπικουρεῖν. μάλιστα ἑαυτῷ δύναιτο, ἡσύχως δ᾽, ὥσπερ ἂν παρθένος ἡ σωφρο- νεστάτη προβαΐίνοι, νομίζων ἐν. τῷ τοιούτῳ τό τε ἀτρεμὲς καὶ ἀνεκπληκτότατον καὶ ἀθορυβητότατον καὶ ἀναμαρτητότατον καὶ δυσεπιβουλευτότατον εἶναι. - ! Something is wanting here: many supply ἴσχυε πλεῖστον from Plutarch, 44g«s. c. 4— φησὶν ὁ R. ὅτι πάντα τῇ πατρίδι πειθόμενος ἴσχυε πλεῖστον. LIO AGESILAUS, vi. 4-7 .— Of his Wi I find the evidence in every 4 one of his deeds — Towards his fathicrland he behaved in such a manner that, being entirely obedient to her, he won the obedience of the citizens, and by his zeal for his -cormrades he held the unquestioning evt M his friends: and as for his troops, he gained at once their obedience and their affection. Surely nothing is wanting to the strength of that battle-line in which obedience results in perfect discipline, and affection for the general produces faithful promptitude. As for the 5 enemy, though they were forced to hate, he gave them no chance to disparage him. For he contrived that his allies always had the better of them, by the use of deception when occasion offered, by anticipating their action if speed was necessary, hiding when it suited his purpose, and by practising all the opposite methods when dealing with enemies to those which he applied when dealing with friends. Night, for example, was to him as day, and 6 day as night,! for he often veiled his movements so completely that none could guess where he was, whither he was going, or what he meant to do. Thus he made even strong positions untenable to the enemy, turning one, scaling another, snatching a third by stealth. On the march, whenever he knew 7 thatthe enemy could bring him to an engagement if they chose, he would lead his army in close order, alert and ready to-defend himself, moving on as quietly as a modest maiden, since he held that this was the best means of maintaining calm, of avoiding panie, eonfusion, and blundering, and of guarding against a surprise attack. * Hellenica, V1. i. 15; Lace. Pol., v. 7 ; Cyropaedia τ. v. 12. ' III 8 XENOPHON Τοιγαροῦν. τοιαῦτα ποιῶν τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις δεινὸς ἦν, τοῖς δὲ φίλοις θάρρος καὶ ῥώμην ἐνεποίει. ὥστε ἀκαταφρόνητος “μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν διετέλεσεν, ᾿ἀξήμιος δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἄμεμπτος δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, πολυεραστότατος δὲ καὶ πολυεπαινετώτατος ὑπὸ πάντων ἀνθρώπων. VII. "Os ye μὴν φιλόπολις ἣν, καθ᾽ ἕν μὲν ἕκαστον μακρὸν ἂν εἴη γράφειν" οἴομαι. ᾿γὰ οὐδὲν εἶναι τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ, ὅ τι οὐκ εἰς τοῦτο συντείνει. ὡς δ᾽ ἐν βραχεῖ εἰπεῖν, ἅπαντες ἐπιστάμεθα, ὅ ὅτι ᾿Αγησίλαος ὅπου gero τὴν πα- τρίδα TL ὠφελήσειν, οὐ πόνων bero, οὐ κινδύνων ἀφίστατο, οὐ χρημάτων ἐφείδετο, οὐ σῶμα, οὐ γῆρας προὐφασίζξετο, ἀχλὰ καὶ βασιλέως ἀγαθοῦ τοῦτο ἔργον ἐνόμιζε, τὸ τοὺς ἀρχομένους ὡς πλεῖστα ἀγαθὰ ποιεῖν. ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις ὠφελήμασι τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τόδε ἐγὼ τίθημι αὐτοῦ, ὅτι δυνατώτατος ὧν ἐν τῇ πόλει φανερὸς ἦν μάλιστα τοῖς νόμοις λατρεύων. τίς γὰρ ἂν ἠθέλησεν ἀπειθεῖν ὁ ὁρῶν τὸν βασιλέα πειθόμενον ; ; τίς δ᾽ ἂν ἡγούμενος μειονεκτεῖν νεώτερόν. τί ἐπεχείρησε ποιεῖν εἰδὼς τὸν βασιλέα νομίμως καὶ τὸ κρατεῖσθαι φέροντα ; ὃς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς διαφόρους ἐν τῇ πόλει ὥσπερ πατὴρ πρὸς παῖδας προσεφέρετο. ἐλοιδορεῖτο μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν, ἐτίμα δ᾽ εἴ τι καλὸν πράττοιεν, παρίστατο δ᾽ εἴ τις συμφορὰ. συμβαίνοι, ἐχθρὸν μὲν οὐδένα ἡγούμενος πολίτην, ἐπαινεῖν δὲ πάντας ἐθέλων, σώξεσθαι δὲ πάντας κέρδος νομίξων, ζημίαν δὲ τιθείς, εἰ καὶ ὁ μικροῦ ἄξιος ἀπόλοιτο" εἰ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς νόμοις ἠρεμοῦντες διαμένοιεν, δῆλος 112 ͵ AGESILAUS, vi. 8-vii. 3 And so, by using such methods, he was formidable 8 to his enemies, and inspired his friends with strength and confidence. Thus he was never despised by his foes, never brought to account by the citizens, never blamed by his friends, but throughout his career he was praised and idolised by all the world. VII. Of his Patriotism it would be a long task to write in complete detail, for there is no single action of his, I think, that does not illustrate that quality. To speak briefly, we all know that when Agesilaus thought he would be serving his fatherland he never shirked toil, never shrank from danger, never spared money, never excused himself on the score of bodily weakness or old age;! but believed that it is the duty of a good king to do as much good as possible to his subjects. Among the greatest services he? rendered to his fatherland I reckon the fact that, though the most powerful man in the state, he. was clearly a devoted servant of the laws. For who would be minded to disobey when he saw the king obeying? Who would turn revolutionist, thinking himself defrauded of his due, when he knew that the king a ready to yield in accordance with the laws? L/Here was à man whose behaviour to his 3 political opponents was that of a father to his children: though he would chide them for their errors he honoured them when they did a good deed, and stood by them when any disaster befell them, deeming no citizen an enemy, willing to praise all, counting the safety of all a gain, and reckoning the destruction even of a man of little worth as a loss. He clearly reckoned that if the citizens should continue to live in peaceful sub- 1 Memorabilia, 111. ii. 113 XENOPHON jv εὐδαίμονα μὲν ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι τὴν “πατρίδα λογιζόμενος, ἰσχυρὰν δὲ τότε, ὅταν οἱ “Ἕλληνες σωφρονῶσιν. εἴ γε μὴν αὖ καλὸν “Ελληνα ὄντα. eder εἶναι, τίνα τις οἶδεν ἄλλον στρατηγὸν ἢ πόλι οὐκ ἐθέλοντα αἱρεῖν, ὅταν οἴηται πορθήσειν, ἢ συμφορὰν νομίξοντα τὸ νικᾶν ἐν τῷ προς “Ἑλληνας πολέμῳ; r ἐκεῖνος τοίνυν, ἀγγελίας μὲν ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ, ὡς ἐν τῇ. ev Κορίνθῳ μάχῃ ὀκτὼ μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐγγὺς δὲ μύριοι τῶν ἀντιπάλων τεθναῖεν, οὐκ ἐφησθεὶς φανερὸς ἐγένετο, ANN εἶπεν ἄρα: Φεῦ gov, ὦ Ἑλλάς, ὁπότε οἱ νῦν τεθνηκότες, ἱκανοὶ ἦσαν ζῶντες νικᾶν μα ύμενοι πάντας τοὺς βαρβάρους. Κορινθίων γε μὴν τῶν φευγόντων λεγόντων, ὅ ὅτι ἐνδίδοιτο αὐτοῖς ἡ πόλις, καὶ μηχανὰς ἐπιδεικνύντων, αἷς πάντως ἤλπιζον àv? ἑλεῖν τὰ τείχη, οὐκ ἤθελε προσβάλλειν, λέγων, ὅτι οὐκ ἀν ραποδίξεσθαι δέοι “Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις, ἀλλὰ σωφρονίζειν. εἰ δὲ τοὺς ἁμαρτά.- νοντας, ἔφη, ἡ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἀφανιοῦμεν, ὁρᾶν χρή, μὴ οὐδ᾽ ἕξομεν μέθ᾽ ὅτου τῶν βαρβάρων κρατήσομεν. Εἰ δ᾽ αὖ καλὸν καὶ μισοπέρσην εἶναι, ὅτι κα ὁ πάλαι ἐξεστράτευσεν ὡς “δουλωσόμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ ὁ. νῦν συμμαχεῖ μὲν τούτοις, μεθ᾽ ὁποτέρων ἂν οἴηται μείζω βχάψειν, δωρεῖται δ᾽ ἐκείνοις, obs ἂν νομίξῃ λαβόντας πλεῖστα κακὰ τοὺς “Ἑλληνας ποιήσειν, εἰρήνην δὲ συμπράττει, ἐξ ἧς ἂν ἡγῆται μάλιστα ἡμᾶς ἀλλήλοις πολε- μήσειν" ὁρῶσι μὲν οὖν ἅπαντες ταῦτα" ἐπεμελήθη δέ τις ἄλλως πώποτε πλὴν ᾿Αγησίλαος, ἢ ὅπως ! σου is added from Priscian 2 p. 188 : it 15 ποῦ in S 'stext. II4 AGESILAUS, vir. 3-7 mission to the laws, the fatherland would always prosper and that she would be strong when the Greeks were prudent. vA gain, if it is honeurable in- one who is a Greek 4 to be a friend to the Greeks, what other general has the world seen unwilling to take a city when he thought that it would be sacked, or who looked on victory in a war against Greeks as a disaster? Now 5 when a report reached Agesilaus that eight Lace- daemonians and near ten thousand of the enemy had fallen at the battle of Corinth, instead of show- ing pleasure, he actually exclaimed :. * Alas for thee, Hellas! those who now lie dead were enough to defeat all the barbarians in battle had they lived !" "And when the Corinthian exiles told him that the 6 city was about to be surrendered to them and pointed to the engines with which they were confident of taking the walls, he would not make an assault, declaring that Greek cities ought not to be enslaved, but chastened. ** And if," he added, * we are going to annihilate the erring members of our own race, let us beware lest we lack men to help in the conquest of the barbarians."' Or again, if it is honourable to hate the Persian 7 because in old days he set out to enslave Greece, and now allies himself with that side which offers him the prospect of working the greater mischief, makes gifts to those who, as he believes, will injure the Greeks most in return, negotiates the peace that he thinks most certain to produce war among us— well, everyone can see these things, but who except Agesilaus has ever striven either to bring about 3 ἂν is added by Richards : it is not in S.'s text. 115 e XENOPHON ^ , , , ^ , [4 P * φῦλόν τι ἀποστήσεται τοῦ Πέρσου ἢ ὅπως τὸ , ^ A , r, ^1 ,£ ^T ἀποστὰν μὴ ἀπόληται ἢ τὸ παράπαν ὡς καὶ βασιλεὺς κακὰ ἔχων μὴ δυνήσεται τοῖς “Ἑλλησι πράγματα, παρέχειν ; ; ὃς καὶ πολεμούσης. “τῆς πατρίδος πρὸς “ἕλληνας ὅμως τοῦ κοινοῦ ἀγαθοῦ τῇ Ἑλλάδι οὐκ ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξέπλευσεν ὅ τι δύναιτο κακὸν ποιήσων τὸν βάρβαρον. VIII. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἄξιόν γε αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ εὔχαρι μὴ σιωπᾶσθαι' ᾧ γε ὑπαρχούσης μὲν τιμῆς, πα- ᾽ , Ν ΄ j 25d ρούσης δὲ δυνάμεως, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις βασιλείας, καὶ ταύτης οὐκ ἐπιβουλευομένης ἀλλ᾽’ ἀγαπω- μένης, τὸ μὲν μεγάλαυχον οὐκ ἂν εἶδέ.τις, τὸ δὲ φιλόστοργον καὶ θεραπευτικὸν τῶν φίλων καὶ μὴ ζητῶν κατενόησεν ἄν. "kal μὴν μετεῖχε μὲν Ὁ ^ , , ^ ἥδιστα παιδικῶν λόγων, δυνεσπούδαζε δὲ πᾶν ὅ τι δέοι φίλοις. διὰ δὲ τὸ εὔελπις καὶ εὔθυμος καὶ ἀεὶ (Mapós εἶναι πολλοὺς ἐποίει μὴ τοῦ διαπιράξασθαί τι μόνον ἕνεκα. πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ ἥδιον διημερεύειν. ἥκιστα δ᾽ ὧν οἷος μεγαληγορεῖν ὅμως τῶν ἐπαινούντων αὑτοὺς οὐ βαρέως ἤκουεν, ἡγούμενος βλάπτειν οὐδὲν αὐτούς, ὑπισχνεῖσθαι δὲ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς ἔσεσθαι. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τῇ μεγαλογνωμοσύνῃ γε ὡς εὐκαίρως ἐχρῆτο, οὐ παραλειπτέον. ἐκεῖνος γάρ, ὅτ᾽ ἦλθεν αὐτῷ ἐπιστολὴ παρὰ βασιλέως, ἣν ὁ μετὰ Καλλέα τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου Πέρσης ἤνεγκε, περὶ ξενίας τε καὶ φιλίας αὐτοῦ, ταύτην μὲν οὐκ ἐδέξατο, τῷ δὲ φέροντι εἶπεν ἀπαγγεῖλαι βασιλεῖ, ὡς ἰδίᾳ μὲν * , * , M , , ^ , * Ἁ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδὲν δέοι ἐπιστολὰς πέμπειν, ἢν δὲ 116 AGESILAUS, vri. 7-vii. 3 the revolt of a tribe from the Persian, or to save a revolting tribe from destruction, or by some means or other to involve the Great King in trouble so that he will be unable to annoy the Greeks? | Nay, when his fatherland was actually at war with Greeks, he did not neglect the common good of Greece, but went out with a fleet to do what harm he could to the barbarian, ^ VIII. Another quality that should not go un- recorded is his urbanity. For although he held honour in fee, and had power at his beck, and to these added sovereignty— sovereignty not plotted against but regarded with affection —yet no traces of arrogance could have been detected in him, whereas signs of a fatherly affection and readiness to serve his friends, even if unsought, were evident. He delighted, moreover, to take his part in light talk, yet he showed an eager sympathy with friends in all their serious concerns. Thanks to his optimism, good humour, and cheerfulness he was a centre of attraction to many, who came not merely for pur- poses of business, but to pass the day more pleasantly. Little inclined to boastfulness himself, he heard without annoyance the self-praise of others, think- ing that, by indulging in it, they did no harm and gave earnest of high endeavour. On the other hand, one must not omit a reference to the dignity that he showed on appropriate occasions. Thus, when the Persian envoy who came with Calleas, the Lacedaemonian, handed him a letter from the Great King containing offers of friendship and hospitality, he declined to accept it. * Tell his Majesty," he said to the bearer, *that there is no need for him to send me private letters, but, if he 117 [^] XENOPHON φίλος τῇ Λακεδαίμονι καὶ τῇ Ἑλλάδι εὔνους ὧν φαίνηται, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς φίλος ἀνὰ κράτος αὐτῷ , ἔσοιτο" ἢν μέντοι, ἔφη, ἐπιβουλεύων ἁλίσκηται, * μηδ᾽ ἂν πάνυ πολλὰς ἐπιστολὰς δέχωμαι, φίλον , 4 ἕξειν με. οἰίσθω. ἐγὼ οὖν καὶ τοῦτο ἐπαινῶ *, , ^ N M , , ^ Wy Αγησίλάου, TO πρὸς τὸ ἀρέσκειν τοῖς "EXXqQoiv ὑπεριδεῖν τὴν βασιλέως ξενίαν. ἄγαμαι δὲ κἀ- "^ Ld κεῖνό, ὅτι οὐχ ὁπότερος πλείω τε χρήματα ἔχοι , » | ^ kal πλειόνων ἄρχοι, τούτῳ ἡγήσατο μεῖζον * , L4 φρονητέον εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὁπότερος αὐτός τε ἀμείνων εἴη καὶ ἀμεινόνων ἡγοῖτο. 56 Ἐπαινῶ δὲ κἀκεῖνο τῆς προνοίας αὐτοῦ, ὅτε νομίζων ἀγαθὸν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἀφίστασθαι τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς πλείστους σατράπας οὐκ ἐκρατήθη » Δ᾽ ΄ M , » pn" e b ^ ͵ὔ € ἅ οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ δώρων οὔθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς βασιλέως ῥώμης ἐθεχῆσαι ξενωθῆναι αὐτῷ, ἀλλ’ ἐφυλάξατο μὴ ἄπιστος γενέσθαι τοῖς ἀφίστασθαι βουλομένοις. , ^ 6 'Exetvó γε μὴν αὐτοῦ τίς οὐκ àv ἀγασθείη ; ε ^ ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἸΙέρσης νομίζων, ἢν χρήματα πλεῖστα , ^ ἔχῃ, πάνθ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ ποιήσεσθαι, διὰ τοῦτο πᾶν μὲν τὸ ἐν ἀνθρώποις χρυσίον, πᾶν δὲ τὸ ἀργύριον, πάντα δὲ τὰ πολυτελέστατα ἐπειρᾶτο πρὸς t€ ἑαυτὸν ἀθροίζειν. ὁ δὲ οὕτως ἀντεσκευάσατο , ^ τὸν οἶκον, ὥστε τούτων μηδενὸς προσδεῖσθαι. 1 εἰ δέ τις ταῦτα ἀπιστεῖ, ἰδέτω μέν, οἵα οἰκία » ^ 7 Ν Ν , , ^ ἤρκει αὐτῷ, θεασάσθω δὲ τὰς θύρας αὐτοῦ: εἰκάσειε γὰρ ἄν τις ἔτι ταύτας ἐκείνας εἶναι, Ψ , , e € , vu ^ ἅσπερ ᾿Αριστόδημος ὁ "HpakXéovs, ὅτε κατῆλθε, ! Aristodemus was great-grandson of Hyllus, son of Heracles. Xenophon follows the Lacedaemonian account, according to which Aristodemus himself was leader at the time when the Lacedaemonians obtained Sparta (Herodotus, 118 Ἧ AGESILAUS, vii. 3-7 gives proof of friendship for Lacedaemon, and good- will towards Greece, | on my part will be his friend with all my heart. But if he is found plotting against them, let him not hope to have a friend in me, however many letters I may receive." In this contempt for the king's hospitality, as nothing in comparison with the approval of the Greeks, I find one more reason for praising Agesilaus, Admirable too was his opinion that it is not for the ruler with the deeper coffers and the longer roll of subjects to set himself above his rival, but for him who is the better leader of the better people. Again, an instance of his foresight that I find worthy of praise is this: believing it to be good for Greece that as many satraps as possible should revolt from the king, he was not prevailed on either by gifts or by the king's power to accept his hospitality, but was careful not to give cause to those who wanted to revolt for mistrusting him. There is yet another side of his character that everyone must.admire. It was the belief of the Persian king that by possessing himself of colossal wealth, he would put all things in subjection to himself. In this belief he tried to engross all the gold, all the silver and all the most costly things in the world. Agesilaus, on the contrary, adopted such a simple style in his home that he needed none of these things. If anyone doubts this, let him mark what sort of a house contented him, and in particular, let him look at the doors: one might imagine that they were the very doors that Aristo- demus, the descendant of Heracles! set up with his vi, 59) His sons, Eurysthenes and Procles , became the first joint-kings. 119 οι 7 XENOPHON λαβὼν ἐπεστήσατο' πειράσθω δὲ θεάσασθαι τὴν ἔνδον κατασκευήν, ἐννοησάτω δέ, ὡς ἐθοίναζεν ἐν ταῖς θυσίαις, ἀκουσάτω δέ, ὡς ἐπὶ πολιτικοῦ , 7 Ψ * , e , 5, ^ καννάθρου κατῇει εἰς ᾿Αμύκλας ἡ θυγάτηρ αὐτοῦ. 8 τουγαροῦν οὕτως ἐφαρμόσας τὰς δαπάνας ταῖς προσόδοις οὐδὲν ἠναγκάζετο χρημάτων ἕνεκα ἄδικον πράττειν. καίτοι καλὸν μὲν δοκεῖ εἶναι / £t ^ εν , , X τείχη ἀνάλωτα κτᾶσθαι ὑπὸ πολεμίων: πολὺ , » , , ἈΝ ^ e ^ ^ μέντοι ἔγωγε κάλλιον κρίνω TO τὴν αὑτοῦ ψυχὴν ἀνάλωτον κατασκευάσαι καὶ ὑπὸ χρημάτων καὶ e δ .4 ^ A Je Ν , ὑπὸ ἡδονῶν kai ὑπὸ φόβου. ΙΧ. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἐρῶ γε, ὡς καὶ τὸν τρόπον ὑπεστήσατο τῇ τοῦ ἸΠέρσου ἀλαζονείᾳ. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὁ μὲν τῷ σπανίως ὁρᾶσθαι ἐσεμνύνετο, , 7 bi ^ 9» "v , ^ Ψ , /, Αγησίλαος δὲ τῷ ἀεὶ ἐμφανὴς εἶναι ἠγάλλετο, , , /, N , νομίζων αἰσχρουργίᾳ μὲν τὸ ἀφανίζεσθαι πρέπειν, ^ Ἀ , , , bi ^ ^ , τῷ δὲ εἰς κάλλος βίῳ τὸ φῶς μᾶλλον κόσμον 2 παρέχειν. ἔπειτα δὲ ὁ μὲν τῷ δυσπρόσοδος εἶναι ἐσεμνύνετο, ὁ δὲ τῷ πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος εἶναι Μ b € A t , ^ / ἔχαιρε: καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡβρύνετο τῷ βραδέως δια- πράττειν, ὁ δὲ τότε μάλιστα ἔχαιρεν, ὁπότε τάχιστα τυχόντας ὧν δέοιντο ἀποπέμποι. , ^ * x A , , “ ς,; 8 ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὴν εὐπάθειαν ὅσῳ ῥάονα b] , , , L , 7 » kai εὐπορωτέραν ᾿Αγησίλαος ἐπετήδευσεν, ἄξιον κατανοῆσαι. τῷ μὲν γὰρ Πέρσῃ πᾶσαν γῆν περιέρχονται μαστεύοντες, τί ἂν ἡδέως πίοι; μυρίοι δὲ τεχνῶνται, τί ἂν ἡδέως φάγοι" ὅπως γε μὴν καταδάρθοι, οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἴποι τις ὅσα πρα- γματεύοντάι. ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ διὰ τὸ φιλόπονος 120 AGESILAUS, vi. 7-ix. 3 own hands in the days of his home-coming. Let him try to picture the scene within; note how he enter- tained on days of sacrifice, hear how his daughter * used to go down to Amyclae! in a public car. And 8 so, thanks to this nice adjustment of his expenditure Z his income, he was never compelled to commit an act of injustice for the sake of money. ..Doubtless it is thought noble to build oneself fortfesses im- pregnable to an enemy: but in my judgment it is far nobler to fortify one's own soul against all the assaults of lucre, of pleasure, and of fear. IX. I will next point out the contrast between his behaviour and the imposture of the Persian king. In the first place the Persian thought his dignity required that he should be seldom seen: Agesilaus delighted to be constantly visible, believing that, whereas secrecy was becoming to an ugly career, the light shed lustre on a life of noble purpose. In the 2 second place, the one prided himself on being difficult of approach: the other was glad to make himself accessible to all. And the one affected tardiness in negotiation : the other was best pleased when he could dismiss his suitors quickly with their requests granted. In the matter of personal comfort, moreover, it is 3 worth noticing how much simpler and how much more easily satisfied were the tastes of Agesilaus, The Persian king has vintners scouring every land to find some drink that will tickle his palate ; an army of cooks contrives dishes for his delight ; and the trouble his lackeys take that he may sleep is indescribable. But Agesilaus, thanks to his love of ! To the feast of Hyacinthus; see c. ii. 17. 121: XENOPHON εἶναι πᾶν μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἡδέως ἔπινε, πᾶν δὲ TO συντυχὸν ἡδέως ἤσθιεν: εἰς δὲ τὸ ἀσμένως 4 κοιμηθῆναι πᾶς τόπος ἱκανὸς ἦν αὐτῷ. καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μόνον πράττων ἔχαιρεν, àXXà καὶ ἐνθυμούμενος ἠγάλλετο, ὅτι αὐτὸς μὲν ἐν μέσαις ταῖς εὐφροσύναις ἀναστρέφοιτο, τὸν δὲ βάρβαρον ἑώρα, εἰ μέλλοι ἀλύπως βιώσεσθαι, συνελκυστέον αὐτῷ ἀπὸ περάτων τῆς γῆς τὰ τέρψοντα. ὅ εὔφραινε δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τάδε, ὅτι αὐτὸς μὲν ἤδει τῇ τῶν θεῶν κατασκευῇ δυνάμενος ἀλύπως χρῆσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἑώρα φεύγοντα μὲν θάλπη, φεύγοντα δὲ ψύχη δι ἀσθένειαν ψυχῆς, οὐκ ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀλλὰ θηρίων τῶν ἀσθενεστάτων βίον μιμούμενον. 6. "Exeivó ye μὴν πῶς οὐ καλὸν καὶ μεγαλόγνωμον, τὸ αὐτὸν μὲν ἀνδρὸς ἔργοις καὶ κτήμασι κοσμεῖν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ οἶκον, κύνας τε πολλοὺς θηρευτὰς καὶ ἵππους πολεμιστηρίους τρέφοντα, Κυνίσκαν δὲ ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν πεῖσαι ἁρματοτροφεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι νικώσης αὐτῆς, ὅτε τὸ θρέμμα τοῦτο οὐκ ἀνδραγαθίας, ἀλλὰ πλούτου ἐπίδειγμά ἐστι. 7 τόδε γε μὴν πῶς οὐ σαφῶς πρὸς τὸ γενναῖον ἔγνω, ὅτι ἅρματι pev νικήσας τοὺς ἰδιώτας οὐδὲν ὀνομαστότερος ἂν γένοιτο, εἰ δὲ φίλην μὲν πάντων μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἔχοι, πλείστους δὲ φίλους καὶ ἀρίστους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν κεκτῆτο, νικῴη δὲ τὴν μὲν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους εὐεργετῶν, τοὺς δὲ ἀντιπάλους τιμωρούμενος, ὅτι ὄντως ἂν εἴη νικηφόρος τῶν “καλλίστων καὶ μεγαλοπρε- » πεστάτων ἀγωνισμάτων καὶ ὀνομαστότατος καὶ ζῶν καὶ τελευτήσας γένοιτ᾽ ἄν ; X. ᾿Εγὼ μὲν οὖν τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπαινῶ ᾿Αγησίλαον. 122 AGESILAUS, tix. 3-x. 1 toil, enjoyed any drink that was at hand and any food that came his way; and any place was good enough to give him soft repose. Nor was he happy 4 only in this behaviour: he was also proud to reflect that, while he was surrounded with good cheer, he saw the barbarian constrained to draw from the ends of the world the material for his enjoyment, if he would live without discomfort. And it cheered 5 his heart to know that he could accommodate himself to the divine ordering of the world, whereas he saw his rival shunning heat and shunning cold through weakness of character, imitating the life, not of brave men, but of the weakest of the brutes. Surely, too, he did what was seemly and dignified 6 when he adorned his own estate with works and possessions worthy of a man, keeping many hounds and war horses, but persuaded his sister Cynisca to breed chariot horses, and showed by her victory that such a stud marks the owner as a person of wealth, but not necessarily of merit! How clearly his true 7 nobility comes out in his opinion that a victory in the chariot race over private citizens would add nota whit to his renown ; but if he held the first place in the affection of the people, gained the most friends and best all over the world, outstripped all others in serving his fatherland and his comrades and in punishing his adversaries, then he would be victor in the noblest and most splendid contests, and would gain high renown both in life and after death. X. Such, then, are the qualities for which I praise 3 Hiero, xi, 5. 123 XENOPHON .- ταῦτα γὰρ οὐχ ὥσπερ ei θησαυρῷ Tis ἐντύχοι, πλουσιώτερος μὲν ἂν εἴη, οἰκονομικώτερος δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἄν, καὶ εἰ νόσου δὲ πολεμίοις ἐμπεσούσης κρατήσειεν, εὐτυχέστερος μὲν ἂν εἴη, στρατηγι: κώτερος δὲ οὐδὲν ἄν: ὁ δὲ καρτερίᾳ μὲν πρωτεύων, ἔνθα πονεῖν καιρός, ἀλκῇ δέ, ὅπου ἀνδρείας ἀγών, γνώμῃ δέ, ὅπου βουλῆς ἔργον, οὗτος ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ ἑκαίως ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς παντελῶς ἂν νομίζεσθαι. εἰ δὲ καλὸν εὕρημα ἀνθρώποις στάθμη καὶ κανὼν πρὸς τὸ ἀγαθὰ ἐργάξεσθαι, καλὸν ἄν μοι δοκεῖ ἡ ᾿Αγησιλάου ἀρετὴ παράδειγμα γενέσθαι τοῖς ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀσκεῖν βουλομένοις. τίς γὰρ ἂν ἢ θεοσεβῆ μιμούμενος ἀνόσιος γένοιτο ἢ δίκαιον ἄδικος ἢ σώφρονα ὑβριστὴς ἢ ἐγκρατῆ ἀκρατής ; καὶ γὰρ δὴ οὐχ οὕτως ἐπὶ τῷ ἄλλων βασιλεύειν ὡς ἐπὶ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ ἄρχειν ἐμεγαλύνετο οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἡγεῖσθαι τοῖς πολίταις. ᾿ 8 ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ μὴ ὅτι τετελευτηκὼς ἐπαινεῖται, τούτου ἕνεκα θρῆνόν τις τοῦτον τὸν λόγον νομί- σάτω, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐγκώμιον. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἅπερ ζῶν ἤκουε, ταῦτα καὶ νῦν λέγεται περὶ αὐτοῦ. ἔπειτα δὲ τί καὶ πλέον θρήνου ἄπεστιν ἢ βίος τε εὐκλεὴς καὶ θάνατος ὡραῖος ; ἐγκωμίων δὲ τί ἀξιώτερον ἢ νϊκαί τε αἱ κάλλισται 4 καὶ ἔργα τὰ πλείστου ἄξια; δικαίως δ᾽ ἂν ἐκεῖνός γε μακαρίζοιτο, ὃς εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ παιδὸς ἐρασθεὶς τοῦ εὐκλεὴς γενέσθαι ἔτυχε τούτου μάλιστα τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν: φιλοτιμότατος δὲ t2 1 The reference is to the ceremonial hymns sung at or after funerals, which of course contained much that would not have been said or sung in the hero's life-time. 124 AGESILAUS, x. 1-4 Agesilaus. .FPhese are the marks that distinguish him, say, from the man who, lighting on a treasure, becomes wealthier but not wiser in business, or from the man who wins yictory through an outbreak of sickness among the enemy, and adds to his success but not to his knowledge of strategy. The man who is foremost in endurance when the hour comes for toil, in valour when the contest calls for courage, in wisdom when the need is for counsel-—he is the man, 1 think, who may fairly be regarded as the perfect embodiment of goodness. f line and rule 2 are a noble discovery of man as aids to the pro- duction of good work, I think that the virtue of Agesilaus may well stand as a noble example for those to follow who wish to make moral goodness a babit. For who that imitates a pious, a just, a sober, a.self-controlled man, can come to be unrighteous, . unjust, violent, wanton ? In point of fact, Agesilaus prided himself less on reigning over others than on ruling himself, less on leading the people against their enemies than ón guiding them to all virtue. |. However, let it not be thought, because one whose 3 life is ended is the theme of my praise, that these words are meant for a funeral dirge.! ^ They are far more truly the language of eulogy. In the first place the words now applied to him are the very: same that he heard in his lifetime. And, in the second place, what theme.is less appropriate to a dirge than a life of fame and a death well-timed? . What. more worthy of eulogies than victories most glorious and deeds of sovereign worth? J ustly may 4 the man be counted blessed who was in love with ' glory from early youth and won more of it than any man of his age; who, being by nature very covetous 125 XENOPHON πεφυκὼς ἀήττητος διετέλεσεν, ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἐγέ- vero: ἀφικόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ μήκιστον ἀνθρωπίνου αἰῶνος “ἀναμάρτητος ἐτελεύτησε καὶ περὶ τούτους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο, καὶ πρὸς ἐκείνους, οἷς ἐπολέμει. | XI. Βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἐν κεφαλαίοις ἐπανελθεῖν τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἂν ὁ ἔπαινος εὐμνημονε- στέρως ἔχῃ. ᾿Αγησίλαος ἱερὰ μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐ ev τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐσέβετο, ἡγούμενος τοὺς θεοὺς οὐχ ἧττον ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ χρῆναι. ἢ ἐν τῇ φιλίᾳ συμμάχους ποιεῖσθαι. Ἱκέτας δὲ θεῶν οὐδὲ ἐχθροὺς ἐβιάξετο, μὐμέζων ἄχογον εἶναι τοὺς μὲν ἐξ ἱερῶν κλέπτοντας ἱεροσύλους καλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ βωμῶν ἱκέτας ἀπο- σπῶντας εὐσεβεῖς ἡγεῖσθαι. 2 ᾿Εκεῖνός ye μὴν ὑμνῶν οὔποτ᾽ ἔληγεν, ὡς τοὺς θεοὺς οἴοιτο οὐδὲν ἧττον ὁσίοις ἔργοις ἢ ἁγνοῖς ἱεροῖς ἥδεσθαι. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ ὁπότε εὐτυχοίη, οὐκ ἀνθρώπων ὑπερεφρόνει, ἀλλὰ θεοῖς χάριν ἤδει. καὶ θαρρῶν πλείονα ἔθυεν ἢ ὀκνῶν ηὔχετο. Εἴθιστο δὲ φοβούμενος μὲν ἱλαρὸς φαίνεσθαι, εὐτυχῶν δὲ πρᾷος εἶναι. 8. Τῶν ye μὴν φίλων οὐ τοὺς unsteimtom, ἀλλὰ «τοὺς προθυμοτάτους μάλιστα ἠσπάζετο. ᾿Εμέσει δὲ οὐκ εἴ τις κακῶς πάσχων ἠμύνετο, ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις εὐεργετούμενος ἀχάριστος φαίνοιτο. Ἔχαιρε δὲ τοὺς μὲν αἰσχροκερδεῖς πένητας ὁρῶν, τοὺς δὲ δικαίους πλουσίους ποιῶν, βουλό- ᾿ μενος τὴν δικαιοσύνην τῆς ἀδικίας κερδαχεωτέραν καθιστάναι. 126 E AGESILAUS, x. 4-xi. 3 of honour, never once knew defeat from the day that he became a king; who, after living to the utmost limit of human life, died without one blunder to his account, either concerning the men whom he 2: or in dealing with those on whom he made "AL (Dd opos vo go through the story-of his virtue again, and to summarize it, in order that the praise * ofit may be more easily remembered. Agesilaus reverenced holy places even when they belonged to an enemy, thinking that he ought to make allies of the gods no less in hostile than in friendly countries. To suppliants of the gods, even if his foes, he did no violence, believing it unreasonable to call robbers of temples sacrilegious and yet to consider those who dragged suppliants from altars pious men. ^—2.My hero never failed to dwell on his opinion 2 . that the gods have pleasure in righteous deeds no ἡ less than in holy temples. . Inthe hour of success he was not puffed up with pride, but gave tbanks to the gods. Ke offered more sacrifices when confident than prayers when in doubt. He was wont to look cheerful wh*n in fear, and to be humble when successful. .. Of his friends he welcomed most heartily not the 3 most powerful, but the most devoted. He hated not the man who defended himself when injured, but such as showed no gratitude for a favour. ..He rejoiced to see the avaricious poor and to enrich the upright, desiring to render right more profitable than wrong. 127 XENOPHON 4 "Hoe, δὲ ἐξομιλεῖν μὲν παντοδαποῖς; Ta ati δὲ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς. ΐ Ὁπότε δὲ ψεγόντων ἢ Pabpiri)d MT ἀκούοι, οὐχ ἧττον ᾧετο “καταμανθάνειν τοὺς τῶν λεγόντων τρόπους ἢ περὶ ὧν λέγοι. | ^ ὃ Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ φίλων ἐξαπατωμένους͵ οὐκ ἔψεγε, τοὺς δὲ ὑπὸ πολεμίων πάμπαν κατε- μέμφετο! καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀπιστοῦντας ἐξαπατᾶν σοφὸν, ἔκρινε, τὸ δὲ πιστεύοντας ἀ ἀνόσιον. i556 À 5 ᾿Επαινούμενος δὲ ἔ auper ὑπὸ τῶν kal ψέγειν ἐθελόντων τὰ μὴ ἀρεστὰ καὶ τῶν παρρησιαξομένων οὐδένα ἤχθραινε, τοὺς δὲ κρυνμένονς diamho ἐνέδρας ἐφυλάττετο. Τούς γε μὴν διαβόλους μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ τοὺς κλέπτας ἐμίσει, μείζω ξημίαν ἡ ἡγούμενος φίχων ἢ χρημάτων 6 στερίσκεσθαι. καὶ τὰς μὲν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἁμαρτίας πράως ἔφερε, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀρχόντων μεγάλας ἦγε, κρίνων τοὺς μὲν ὀλίγα, τοὺς δὲ πολλὰ κακῶς διατιθέναι. ; Τῇ δὲ βασιλείᾳ προσήκειν ἐνόμιξεν οὐ ῥᾳδι- ουργίαν, ἀλλὰ καλοκἀγαθίαν. 7 Kai τοῦ μὲν σώματος. εἰκόνα στήσασθαι ἀπέσ- Xero, πολλῶν αὐτῷ τοῦτο δωρεῖσθαι, θελόντων, τῆς δὲ ψυχῆς οὐδέποτε ἐπαύετο μνημεῖα διαπο- νούμενος, ἡγούμενος τὸ μὲν ἀνδριαντοποιῶν, . τὸ δὲ αὑτοῦ ἔργον εἶναι καὶ τὸ μὲν πλουσίων, τὸ δὲ. τῶν ἀγαθῶν. 8 Χρήμασί γε μὴν οὐ μόνον δικαίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐλευθερίως. ἐχρῆτο, τῷ μὲν δικαίῳ ἀρκεῖν ἡγού- μενὸς τὸ ἐᾶν τὰ ἀλλότρια, τῷ δὲ ἐλευθερίῳ καὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ προσωφελητέον εἶναι. 128 AGESILAUS, xi. 4-8 It was his habit to associate with all sorts and con- 4 ditions of men, but to be intimate with the good. Whenever he heard men praise or blame others, he thought that he gained as much insight into the character of the critics as of the persons they criticized. If friends proved deceivers he forebore to blame their victims, but he heaped reproaches on those who let.an enemy deceive them; and he pronounced deception clever or wicked according as it was ised on the suspicious or the confiding. The praise of those who were prepared to censure 5 faults they disapproved was pleasing to him, and he never resented candour, but avoided dissimulation like a snare. Slanderers he hated more than thieves, deeming loss of friends graver than loss of money. The mis- 6 takes of private persons he judged leniently, because few interests suffer by their incompetence ; but the errors of rulers he treated as serious, since they lead to many troubles. Kingship, he held, demands not indolence, but manly virtue. He would not allow a statue of himself to be set 7 up, though many wanted to give him one, but on memorials of his mind he laboured unceasingly, thinking the one to be the sculptors work, the other his own, the one appropriate to the rich, the other to the good. In the use of money he was not only just but 8 generous, thinking that a just man may be content to leave other men's money alone, but the generous man is required also to spend his own in the service of others. 129 VOL. II, F e 10 11 12 ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ ἢ ' Ael δὲ δεισιδαίμων ἦν, νομίζων τοὺς μὲν καλῶς ζῶντας οὔπω εὐδαίμονας, τοὺς δὲ εὐκλεῶς τετε- λευτηκότας ἤδη μακαρίους. Μείζω δὲ συμφορὰν ἔκρινε τὸ γιγνώσκοντα ἢ ἀγνοοῦντα ἀμελεῖν τῶν ἀγα àv. " Δόξης δὲ οὐδεμιᾶς ἤρα, ἧς οὐκ ἐξεπόνει τὰ ἴδια. Mer ὀλίγων δέ μοι ἐδόκει ἀνθρώπων οὐ καρ- τερίαν τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐπάθειαν νομίξειν' ἐπαινούμενος γοῦν ἔχαιρε μᾶλλον ἢ χρήματα κτώμενος. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἀνδρείαν γε τὸ πλέον μετ ᾿εὐβουλίας ἢ μετὰ κινδύνων. ἐπεδείκνυτο καὶ σοφίαν ἔργῳ μᾶλλον. ἢ λόγοις ἤσκει. IIpaórarós. γε μὴν φίλοις ὦ àv ἐχθροῖς φοβερώ- τάτος Tr καὶ πόνοις μάλιστα ἀντέχων ἑταίροις ἥδιστα ὑπεῖκε, καλῶν ἔργων μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν καλῶν σωμάτων ἐπιθυμῶν. "Ev γε μὴν ταῖς εὐπραξίαις σωφρονεῖν ἐπι- στάμενος ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς εὐθαρσὴς ἐδύνατο εἶναι. Καὶ τὸ εὔχαρι οὐ σκώμμασιν, ἀλλὰ τρόπῳ ἐπετήδευε καὶ τῷ μεγαλόφρονι οὐ σὺν ὕβρει, ἀλλὰ σὺν γνώμῃ ἐχρῆτο" τῶν γοῦν ὑπεραύχων καταφρονῶν τῶν μετρίων ταπεινότερος. ἦν. καὶ γὰρ ἐκαλλωπίξετο τῇ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸ σῶμα φαυ- λότητι, τῷ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ τὸ στράτευμα κόσμῳ, τῷ δ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν ὡς ἐλαχίστων δεῖσθαι, τοὺς δὲ φίλους ὡς πλεῖστα ὠφελεῖν. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις βαρύ- τατος μὲν ἀνταγωνιστὴς ἦν, κουφότατος δὲ κρατήσας, ἐχθροῖς μὲν δυσεξαπάτητος, φίλοις δὲ εὐπαραπειστότατος. 130 AGESILAUS, xi. 8-12 He was ever god-fearing, believing that they who are living life well are not yet happy, but only they who have died gloriously are blessed. . . He held it a greater calamity to neglect that 9 which is good knowingly thàn in ignorance. No fame attracted him unless he did the right work to achieve it. He seemed to me one of the few men who count virtue not a task to be endured but a comfort to be enjoyed. At anyrate praise gave him more pleasure than money. Courage, as he displayed it, was joined with pru- dence rather than boldness, and wisdom he cultivated more by action than in words, Very gentle with friends, he was very formidable to enemies; and while he resisted fatigue obstinately, he yielded most readily to a comrade, though fair deeds appealed more to his heart than fair faces. To moderation in times of prosperity he added confidence in the midst of danger. His urbanity found its habitual expression not in jokes but in his manner; and when on his dignity, he was never arrogant, but always reasonable; at least, if he showed his contempt for the haughty, he was humbler than the average man. For he prided himself on the simplicity of his own dress and the splendid equipment of his army, on a strict limitation of his own needs and a boundless generosity to his 10 11 friends. Added to this, he was the bitterest of 12 adversaries, but the mildest of conquerors; wary with enemies, but very compliant to friends. 131 I3 14 15 16 XENOPHON 'Ael δὲ τιθεὶς τὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς el ἀμαυροῦν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔ ἔργον εἶχεν. ᾿Εκεῖνον οἱ μὲν “συγγενεῖς φιλοκηδεμόνα ἐκά- λουν, οἱ δὲ χρώμενοι ἀπροφάσιστον, οἱ δ᾽ ὑπουργήσαντές TL μνήμονα, οἱ δ᾽ ἀδικούμενοι ἐπίκουρον, οἵ γε μὴν συγκινδυνεύοντες μετὰ θεοὺς σωτῆρα.. Δοκεῖ δ᾽ ἔμοιγε καὶ τόδε μόνος ἀνθρώπων ἐπιδεῖξαι, ὅ ὅτι ἡ μὲν τοῦ σώματος ἰσχὺς γηράσκει, ἡ δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς ῥώμη τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγήρατός ἐ ἐστιν. ἐκεῖνος γοῦν οὐκ ἀπεῖπε μεγάλης καὶ καλῆς ἐφιέμενος δόξης," εἰ καὶ μὴ τὸ “σῶμα φέρειν ἠδύνατο τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς͵ αὐτοῦ ῥώμην. τοιγαροῦν ποίας οὐ νεότητος κρεῖττον τὸ ἐκείνου γῆρας ἐφάνη ; τίς μὲν γὰρ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀκμάξων οὕτω φοβερὸς ἣν ὡς ᾿Αγησίλαος τὸ μήκιστον τοῦ αἰῶνος ἔχων ; τίνος δ᾽ ἐκποδὼν γενομένου μᾶλλον ἥσθησαν οἱ πολέμιοι ἢ ᾿Αγησιλάου καίπερ γηραιοῦ τελευτήσαντος ; τίς δὲ συμμάχοις θάρρος “παρέσχεν ὅσον ᾿Αγησίλαος καίπερ ἤδη πρὸς τῷ στόματι τοῦ βίου ὠν; τίνα δὲ νέον οἱ φίλοι πλέον ἐπόθησαν ἢ ᾿Αγησίλαον. γηραιὸν ἀποθανόντα ; ; οὕτω δὲ τελέως ὁ ἀνὴρ τῇ πατρίδι ὠφέλιμος ὧν διεγένετο, ὡς καὶ τετελευτηκὼς ἤδη ἔτι μεγαλείως ὠφελῶν τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὴν ἀΐδιον οἴκησιν “κατηγάγετο, μνημεῖα μὲν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρετῆς ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν κτησάμενος, τῆς δὲ βασιλικῆς ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τυχών. 1 The text is corrupt. δόξης εἰ καὶ μὴ is wanting in A, which has μεγάλην xal καλὴν. 132 "—————— "T AGESILAUS, xi. 12-16 While ever ensuring security to his own side, he ever made it his business to bring to nought the designs of his enemy. / By his relatives he was discdbed as ** devoted to 13 his family," by his intimates as *'an unfailin friend," ! by those who served him as * unforgetful," ^ ^^ by the oppressed as *a champion," by his comrades. in danger as “ἃ saviour second to the gods." In one respect, 1 think, he was unique. JHe 14 proved that, though the bodily strength decays, the vigour of good men's souls is ageless. | Àt any rate, he never wearied in the pursuit of great and noble glory so long as his body could support the vigour of his soul. What man's youth, then, did not 15 seem weaker than his old age? For who in his prime was so formidable to his foes as Agesilaus at the very limit of human life? "Whose removal brought such welcome relief to the enemy as the death of Agesilaus, despite his years? Who gave such con- fidence to allies as Agesilaus, though now on the threshold of death? What young man was more regretted by his friends than Agesilaus, though he -- died full of years? 80 complete was the record of 16 his service to his fatherland that it did not end even when he died: he was still a bountiful benefactor of the state when he was brought home to be laid in his eternal resting-place, and, having raised up monuments of his virtue throughout the world, was buried with royal ceremony in his own land.? 1 Hellenica, v. v. 45. 3 The reference is to the money which Agesilaus had obtained in Egypt, and which was brought to the city with his body. For the burial see Const. of the Lac., end. (" £n A f | 4 γε " J Ee 133 ᾿ m» catt : A loliss Nghi; tl. ban sehweno, zi 3 xq Voi ; bna. adi ot brsooss: ἀροῦν ΓΗ pinu. à (MEN «4. alat " "»ὄ τ᾿ .- n E ^ e simi *étil wt ote 3o P 1o bros ond Ed MEAE D a PU i, 01. érión τ L aolet. TOL 2? AN. nd my δή b hàn bib, ΓΟ τὰ ilio; adidas θα! Haog Ken "ydo Migioid d^ hivontion eor WX LI 1e. d1aps, adi kem md 6 Taitan: -poo das. Ὁ "fa ost ΜΠ son Δ 3 13/0. wort - d'suorM onde qe σαί 2c HL. XE LEE Εν io ve died Ww ad iaundi , "ule 3g ES alert sir ie ἴσο αν ἡ bi (δ. fi de Ὴ τὴς "odontadod {18 "mod a lida & fis sd og Apoll fáond qu bts 1 jan Ud Bunk xe; Pau Bow «0 y. ifo, "τ ΤῊ δὼ a (afe t un gi y nt UT ΓΆΡ “τ eB iampul ve "P mm ATO Ww. hod Fireliansi δ ilotád um: (ouo coii md air (tiu dan o 1t. del viogew deniw bna ei μ᾿ Tola [nis δ 3M ls ANO) xen δ eld 10 1 CONSTITUTION OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS ΞΕΝΟΦΩΝΤΟΣ AAKEAAIMONION IIOAITEIA I. 'AXX ἐγὼ ἐννοήσας ποτέ, ὡς ἡ Σπάρτη τῶν ὀλιγανθρωποτάτων πόλεων οὖσα δυνατωτάτη τε καὶ ὀνομαστοτάτη ἐν τῇ ᾿Ελλάδι ἐφάνη, ἐθαύ- μασα, ὅτῳ ποτὲ τρόπῳ τοῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο" ἐπεὶ μέντοι κατενόησα τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, οὐκέτι ἐθαύμαζον. 2 Λυκοῦργον μέντοι, τὸν θέντα αὐτοῖς τοὺς νόμους, οἷς πειθόμενοι ηὐδαιμόνησαν, τοῦτον καὶ Üavuáte καὶ εἰς τὰ ἔσχατα σοφὸν ἡγοῦμαι. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ οὐ μιμησάμενος τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐναντία γνοὺς ταῖς πλείσταις προ- έχουσαν εὐδαιμονίᾳ τὴν πατρίδα ἐπέδειξεν. 8 Αὐτίκα γὰρ περὶ τεκνοποιίας, ἵνα ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἄρξωμαι, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι τὰς μελλούσας τίκτειν καὶ καλῶς δοκούσας κόρας παιδεύεσθαι καὶ σίτῳ j ἀνυστὸν μετριωτάτῳ τρέφουσι καὶ ὄψῳ ἧ δυνατὸν μικροτάτῳ" οἴνου γε μὴν ἢ πάμπαν ἀπεχομένας ἢ ὑδαρεῖ χρωμένας διάγουσιν" ὥσπερ δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν τὰς τέχνας ἐχόντων ἑδραῖοί εἰσιν, οὕτω καὶ τὰς κόρας οἱ ἄλλοι “Ελληνες ἠρεμιζούσας -ἐριουργεῖν ἀξιοῦσι. τὰς μὲν οὖν οὕτω τρεφομένας πῶς χρὴ προσδοκῆσαι μεγαλεῖον ἄν τι γεννῆσαι; 136 ac CONSTITUTION OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS l. Ir occurred to me one day that Sparta, though among the most thinly populated of states, was evidently the most powerful and most celebrated ity in Greece; and I fell to wondering how this could have happened. But when I considered the institutions of the Spartans, I wondered no longer. Lycurgus, who gave them the laws that they 2 obey, and to which they owe their prosperity, I do regard with wonder; and I think that he reached the utmost limit of wisdom. For it was not by imitating other states, but by devising a system utterly different from that of most others, that he made his country pre-eminently prosperous. First, to begin at the beginning, I will take the 3 begetting of children.! In other states the girls who are destined to become mothers and are brought up in the approved fashion, live on the very plainest fare, with a most meagre allowance of delicacies. Wine is either withheld altogether, or, if allowed them, is diluted with water. The rest of the Greeks expect their girls to imitate the sedentary life that is typical of handicraftsmen—to keep quiet and do wool-work. How, then, is it to be expected that women so brought up will bear fine children? ! (The prose Constitution of the Lacedaemenians by Critias ' began with the same point. See Introduction III. 137 XENOPHON : 4 'O δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἐσθῆτας μὲν καὶ δούλας παρέχειν ἱκανὰς ἡγήσατο εἶναι, ταῖς δ᾽ ἐλευ- θέραις μέγιστον νομίσας εἶναι τὴν τεκνοποιίαν πρῶτον μὲν σωμασκεῖν ἔταξεν οὐδὲν ἧττον τὸ θῆλυ τοῦ ἄρρενος φύλου' ἔπειτα δὲ δρόμου καὶ ἰσχύος, ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, οὕτω καὶ ταῖς θηλείαις ἀγῶνας πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἐποίησε, νομίξων ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ἰσχυρῶν καὶ τὰ eye ἐρρωμενέστερα γίγνεσθαι. ἫΝ ὅδ "Eme γε μὴν γυνὴ πρὸς ἄνδρα ἔλθοι, ὁρῶν. τοὺς ἄλλους τὸν πρῶτον τοῦ χρόνου ἀμέτρως ταῖς γυναιξὶ συνόντας, καὶ τούτου τἀναντία ἔγνω" ἔθηκε γὰρ αἰδεῖσθαι μὲν εἰσιόντα ὀφθῆναι, αἰδεῖ- σθαι δ᾽ ἐξιόντα. οὕτω δὲ συνόντων ποθεινοτέρως μὲν ἀνάγκη σφῶν αὐτῶν ἔχειν, ἐρρωμενέστερα δὲ γίγνεσθαι, εἴ τι βλάστοι, οὕτω μᾶλλον ἢ εἰ 8 διάκοροι ἀλλήλων εἶεν. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ ἀποπαύσας τοῦ ὁπότε βούλοιντο ἕκαστοι γυναῖκα ἄγεσθαι ἔταξεν ἐν ἀκμαῖς τῶν σωμάτων τοὺς γάμους ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ τοῦτο συμφέρον τῇ εὐγονίᾳ Ἴ νομίζων. εἴ γε μέντοι συμβαίη γεραιῷ νέαν ἔχειν, ὁρῶν τοὺς τηλικούτους φυλάττοντας μά- λιίστα τὰς γυναῖκας τἀναντία καὶ τούτου ἐνόμισε" τῷ γὰρ πρεσβύτῃ ἐποίησεν, ὁποίου ἀνδρὸς σῶμά τε καὶ ψυχὴν ἀγασθείη, τοῦτον ἐπαγομένῳ 8 τεκνοποιήσασθαι. εἰ δέ τις αὖ γυναικὶ μὲν συνοικεῖν μὴ βούλοιτο, τέκνων δὲ ἀξιολόγων ἐπιθυμοίη, καὶ τούτῳ νόμον ἐποίησεν, ἥντινα 138 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, i. 4-8 But Lycurgus thought the labour of slave women 4 sufficient to supply clothing. He believed mother- hood to be the most important function of freeborn woman. Therefore, in the first place, he insisted on physical training for the female no less than for the male sex: moreover, he instituted races and trials-of strength for women competitors as for men, believing that if both parents are strong they produce more vigorous offspring. Ἶ He noticed, too, that, during the time immediately 5 succeeding marriage, it was usual elsewhere for the husband to have unlimited intercourse with his wife. The rule that he adopted was the opposite of this : for he laid it down that the husband should be ashamed to be seen entering his wife's room or leaving *it. With this restriction on intercourse the desire of the one for the other must necessarily be increased, and their offspring was bound to be more vigorous than if they were surfeited with one another. In 6 addition to this, he withdrew from men the right to take a wife whenever they chose, and insisted on their marrying in the prime of their manhood, be- lieving that this too promoted the production of fine children. It might happen, however, that an old 7 man had a young wife; and he observed that old men keep a very jealous watch overtheir young wives. To meet these cases he instituted an entirely different system by requiring the elderly husband to introduce into his house some man whose physical and moral qualities he admired, in order to beget children. On the other hand, in case a man did not want to 8 cohabit with his wife and nevertheless desired children of whom he could be proud, he made it lawful for him to choose a woman who was the - 139 XENOPHON εὔτεκνον καὶ γενναίαν ὁρῴη, πείσαντα τὸν ἔχοντα ἐκ ταύτης τεκνοποιεῖσθαι. 9 Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα συνεχώρει: αἵ τε γὰρ γυναῖκες διττοὺς οἴκους βούλονται κατέχειν οἵ τε L4 , ^ ^ ^ , PU ἄνδρες ἀδελφοὺς τοῖς παισὶ προσλαμβάνειν, oi τοῦ μὲν γένους καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως κοινωνοῦσι, τῶν δὲ χρημάτων οὐκ ἀντιποιοῦνται. 10 Περὶ μὲν δὴ τεκνοποιίας οὕτω τἀναντία γνοὺς τοῖς ἄλλοις εἴ τι διαφέροντας καὶ κατὰ μέγεθος καὶ κατ᾽ ἰσχὺν ἄνδρας τῇ Σπάρτῃ ἀπετέλεσεν, ὁ βουλόμενος ἐπισκοπείτω. II. ᾿Εγὼ μέντοι, ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ γενέσεως ἐξήγημαι, βούλομαι καὶ τὴν παιδείαν ἑκατέρων σαφηνίσαι. Τῶν μὲν τοίνυν ἄλλων “Ελλήνων οἱ φάσκοντες κάλλιστα τοὺς υἱεῖς παιδεύειν, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα αὐτοῖς οἱ παῖδες τὰ λεγόμενα συνιῶσιν, εὐθὺς μὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς παιδαγωγοὺς θεράποντας ἐφιστᾶσιν, εὐθὺς δὲ πέμπουσιν εἰς διδασκάλων μαθησο- μένους καὶ γράμματα καὶ μουσικὴν καὶ τὰ ἐν παλαίστρᾳ. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν παίδων πόδας μὲν ὑποδήμασιν ἁπαλύνουσι, σώματα δὲ ἱματίων μεταβολαῖς διαθρύπτουσι" σίτου γε μὴν αὐτοῖς γαστέρα μέτρον νομίζουσιν. 2 O δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἀντὶ μὲν τοῦ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον παιδαγωγοὺς δούλους ἐφιστάναι ἄνδρα ἐπέστησε κρατεῖν αὐτῶν ἐξ ὧνπερ αἱ μέγισται ἀρχαὶ ! i.e. at Sparta. 140 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, i. 8-11. 2 mother of a fine family and of high birth, and if he obtained her husband's consent, to make her the mother of his children. He gave his sanction to many similar arrangements. 9 For the wives! want to take charge of two households, and the husbands want to get brothers for their sons, brothers who are members of the family and share in its influence, but claim no part of the money. Thus his regulations with regard to the begetting of children were in sharp contrast with those of other states. Whether he sueceeded in populating Sparta with a race of men remarkable for their size and strength anyone who chooses may judge for himself. II. Having dealt with the subject of birth, I wish next to explain the educational system of Lycurgus, and how it differs from other systems. In the other Greek states parents who profess to give their sons the best education place their boys under the care and control of a moral tutor? as soon as they can understand what is said to them, and send them to a school to learn letters, music and the exercises of the wrestling-ground. Moreover, they soften the children's feet by giving them sandals, and pamper their bodies with changes of clothing; and it is customary to allow them as much food as they can eat. 10 Lycurgus, on the contrary, instead of leaving each 2 father to appoint a slave to act as tutor, gave the duty of controlling the boys to a member of the class from which the highest offices are filled, in * | have adopted for παιδαγωγός the term used at Oxford for a person who has charge of, but does not teach, an under- graduate. 141 XENOPHON καθίστανται, ὃς δὴ καὶ παιδονόμος καλεῖται. τοῦτον δὲ κύριον ἐποίησε καὶ ἀθροίζειν τοὺς παῖδας καὶ ἐπισκοποῦντα, εἴ τις ῥᾳδιουργοίη, ἰσχυρῶς κολάζειν. ἔδωκε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἡβώντων μαστιγοφόρους, ὅπως τιμωροῖεν ὅτε δέοι: ὥστε πολλὴν μὲν αἰδῶ, πολλὴν δὲ πειθὼ 8 ἐκεῖ συμπαρεῖναι. ἀντί γε μὴν τοῦ ἁπαλύνειν τοὺς πόδας ὑποδήμασιν ἔταξεν ἀνυποδησίᾳ κρα- τύνειν, νομίζων, εἰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀσκήσειαν, πολὺ μὲν ῥᾷον ἂν ὀρθιάδε βαίνειν, ἀσφαλέστερον δὲ πρανῆ καταβαίνειν, καὶ πηδῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθορεῖν Ss δραμεῖν θᾶττον τὸν! ἀνυπόδητον, ei ἠσκηκὼς εἴη, 4 τοὺς πόδας, ἢ τὸν ὑποδεδεμένον. καὶ ἀντί γε τοῦ ἱματίοις διαθρύπτεσθαι ἐνόμισεν ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ δι ἔτους προσεθίζεσθαι, νομίζων οὕτως καὶ πρὸς ψύχη καὶ πρὸς θάλπη ἄμεινον ἂν vilvcicendd d ; ὅ σῖτόν γε μὴν ἔταξε τοσοῦτον ἔχοντα συμβολεύειν τὸν εἴρενα, ὡς ὑπὸ πλησμονῆς μὲν μήποτε βαρύ- νεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ ἐνδεεστέρως διάγειν μὴ ἀπείρως ἔχειν, νομίζων τοὺς οὕτω παιδευομένους μᾶλλον μὲν ἂν δύνασθαι, εἰ δεήσειεν, ἀσιτήσαντας ἐπίπο- νῆσαι, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἄν, εἰ παραγγελθείη, ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σίτου πλείω χρόνον ἐπιταθῆναι, ἧττον δ᾽ ἂν ὄψου δεῖσθαι, εὐχερέστερον δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ἔχειν 6 βρῶμα καὶ ὑγιεινοτέρως δ᾽ ἂν διάγειν, καὶ εἰς * ! στὸν, wanting in the MSS. and in S., is twice supplied by Cobet. 1 συμβολεύειν is the conjecture of F. Portus for συμβουλεύειν, and εἴρενα that of Schneider for ἄρρενα. The prefect took his meals with the class of which he had charge. But Stobaeus' text runs σῖτόν γε μὴν τοσοῦτον ἔχειν (for which read ἐσθίειν) 142 Ede THE LACEDAEMONIANS, ii. 2-6 fact to the ** Warden"' as he is called. He gave this authority to gather the boys together, to take charge of them and to punish them severely in case of misconduct. He also assigned to him a staff of youths provided with whips to chastise them when ; and the result is that modesty and Instead of softening the boys' feet with sandals he required them to harden their feet by going without shoes. He believed that if this habit were cultivated it would enable them to climb hills more easily and descend steep inclines with less danger, and that a youth who had accustomed himself to go barefoot would leap and jump and run more nimbly than a boy in sandals. And instead. of 4 letting them be i WR in the Lodi of of heat. | Af the food, he required 5 prefect to los with .him 1. such 8. moderate amount of it that the boys would never suffer from repletion, and would know what it ' with j ; for he believed that those who underwent this training would be better able to continue working on an empty stomach, if necessary, and would be capable of carrying on longer without extra food, if the word of command were given to do so: they would want and would accommodate themselves more readily to anything put before them, and at the same time would enjoy better health. He also thought that a diet which 6 συνεβούλευεν ὡς, ** he recommended them to eat so moderately that they " ; ; and this is probably right. 143 XENOPHON μῆκος ἂν αὐξάνεσθαι τὴν ῥαδινὰ τὰ σώματα ποιοῦσαν τροφὴν μᾶλλον. συλλαμβάνειν ἡγήσατο ἢ τὴν διαπλατύνουσαῦ τῷ σίτῳ. Ὥς δὲ μὴ ὑπὸ λιμοῦ ἄγαν αὖ πιέζοιντο, ἀπρα- γμόνως μὲν αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἔδωκε λαμβάνειν ὧν ἂν προσδέωνται, κλέπτειν δ᾽ ἐφῆκεν ἔστιν ἃ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπικουροῦντας. καὶ ὡς μὲν οὐκ ἀπορῶν ὅ τι δοίη ἐφῆκεν αὐτοῖς γε μηχανᾶσθαι τὴν τροφήν, οὐδένα οἶμαι τοῦτο ἀγνοεῖν: δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτε τὸν μέλλοντα κλωπεύειν καὶ νυκτὸς ἀγρυπνεῖν δεῖ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπατᾶν καὶ ἐνεδρεύειν, καὶ κατασκόπους δὲ ἑτοιμάζειν τὸν μέλλοντά τι λήψεσθαι. ταῦτα οὖν δὴ πάντα δῆλον ὅτι μηχανικωτέρους τῶν ἐπιτηδείων βουλόμενος τοὺς παῖδας ποιεῖν καὶ πολεμικωτέρους. οὕτως ἐπαίδευσεν. 8 Εἴποι δ᾽ ἂν οὖν τις, τί δῆτα, εἴπερ τὸ κλέπτειν᾽ ἀγαθὸν ἐνόμιζε, πολλὰς πληγὰς ἐπέβαλε τῷ ἁλισκομένῳ ; ὅτι, φημὶ ἐγώ, καὶ τἄλλα, ὅσα ἄνθρωποι διδάσκουσι, κολάζουσι τὸν μὴ καλῶς ὑπηρετοῦντα. κἀκεῖνοι οὖν τοὺς ἁλισκομένους 9 ὡς κακῶς κλέπτοντας τιμωροῦνται. καὶ ὡς πλείστους δὴ ἁρπάσαι τυροὺς [παρ᾽ Ὀρθίας] καλὸν θεὶς μαστιγοῦν τούτους ἄλλοις ἐπέταξε, τοῦτο δὴ δηλῶσαι καὶ ἐν τούτῳ βουλόμενος, ὅτι ἔστιν ὀλίγον χρόνον ἀλγήσαντα πολὺν χρόνον εὐδοκιμοῦντα εὐφραίνεσθαι. δηλοῦται δὲ ἐν .1 1 Amabasis, ΤΥ. vi. 14. ? At this altar the annual scourging of Spartan boys and youths took place, according to Plutarch and Pausanias; but 144 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, nu. 6-9 food. On the other hand, lest they should feel too much the pinch of hunger! while not giving ἔθει the oppor- tunity of taking what they wanted with τονοὶς . It was not on account of a difficulty ; in 7 roviding for them that he encouraged them to get their food by their own cunning. No one, I suppose, can fail to see that. Obviously a man who intends to take to thieving must spend sleepless nights and play the deceiver and lie in ambush by day, and moreover, if he means to make a capture, he must ime Spies Eomendy. There can es no doubt Y that Someone may ask: But why, if he believed 8 stealing to be a fine thing, did he have the boy who was caught beaten with many stripes ? I TRUE Because in all cases n nen pun 5} rn So the nacti Chastipe tlioec Who get Mee: for stealing badly. He made it a point of honour to 9 steal as many cheeses as possible [from the altar of Artemis Orthia],?? but appointed others to scourge the thieves, meaning to show thereby that by enduring pain for a short time one may win lasting fame and felicity. It is shown herein that this custom seems to have no connexion with that of punish- ing those who were caught thieving. It is not improhable that the whole of this sentence is an interpolation ; if not, the text is corrupt beyond restoration. 145 XENOPHON τούτῳ, ὅτι καὶ ὅπου τάχους δεῖ ὁ βλακεύων ἐλάχιστα μὲν ὠφελεῖται, πλεῖστα δὲ πράγματα λαμβάνει. : 10 Ὅπως δὲ μηδ᾽ εἰ ὁ παιδονόμος ἀπέλθοι, ἔρημοί ποτε οἱ παῖδες εἶεν ἄρχοντος, ἐποίησε τὸν ἀεὶ παρόντα τῶν πολιτῶν κύριον εἶναι καὶ ἐπιτάττειν τοῖς παισὶν ὅ τι ἀγαθὸν δοκοίη εἶναι καὶ κολάζειν, εἴ τι ἁμαρτάνοιεν. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας διέπραξε καὶ αἰδημονεστέρους εἶναι τοὺς παῖδας" οὐδὲν γὰρ οὕτως αἰδοῦνται οὔτε παῖδες οὕτε ἄνδρες ὡς τοὺς ἄρχοντας. ὡς δὲ καὶ εἴ ποτε μὰς ὅν: : τύχοι ἀνὴρ παρών, μηδ᾽ ὡς ἔρημοι οἱ παῖδες ἄρχοντος εἶεν, ἔθηκε τῆς ἴλης ἑκάστης τὸν τορώτατον τῶν εἰρένων ἄρχειν: ὥστε οὐδέποτε ἐκεῖ οἱ παῖδες ἔρημοι ἄρχοντός εἶσι. 12 Λεκτέον δέ μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι καὶ περὶ τῶν παιδικῶν ἐρώτων" ἔστι γάρ τι καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς παιδείαν. οἱ μὲν τοίνυν ἄλλοι EXXqves ἢ ὥσπερ Βοιωτοὶ ἀνὴρ καὶ παῖς συζυγέντες ὁμιλοῦσιν ἢ ὥσπερ ᾿Ηλεῖοι διὰ χαρίτων τῇ ὥρᾳ χρῶνται" εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ οἱ παντάπασι τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι τοὺς ἐραστὰς εἴργουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν παίδων. 13 'O δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἐναντία καὶ τούτοις πᾶσι γνοὺς εἰ μέν τις αὐτὸς Óv οἷον δεῖ ἀγασθεὶς ψυχὴν παι- δὸς πειρῷτο ἄμεμπτον φίλον ἀποτελέσασθαι καὶ συνεῖναι, ἐπήνει καὶ καλλίστην παιδείαν ταύτην ἐνόμιζεν: εἰ δέ τις παιδὸς σώματος ὀρεγόμενος oto αἴσχιστον τοῦτο. θεὶς ἐποίησεν ἐν Λακε- αίμονι μηδὲν ἧττον ἐραστὰς παιδικῶν ἀπέχεσθαι ἢ γονεῖς παίδων καὶ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφῶν εἰς ἀφροδίσια ἀπέχονται. ! ἢ καὶ S, with the MSS. : ἢ was removed by Schüfer. 146 1 — THE LACEDA£MONIANS, ii. 9-13 where there is need of swiftness, the slothful, as usual, gets little profit and many troubles. In order that the boys might never lack a ruler even when the Warden was away, he gave authority - to any citizen who chanced to- be present to require them to do anything that he thought right, and to: punish them for any misconduct. This had the effect of ; in fact boys and men alike respect their rulers above every- ing. And that a ruler might not be lacking to the boys even when no grown man happened to be present, he selected the keenest of the prefects, and ve to each the command of a ip And so Ithink I ought to say something also out intimacy with boys, since this matter also has a v on education. In other Greek states, for instance among the Boeotians, man and boy live together, like married people ;! elsewhere, among the Eleians, for example, consent is won by means of favours. Some, on the other hand, entirely forbid suitors to talk with boys. - se. If someone, being himself an honest man, admired a boy's soul and tried to make of him an ideal friend without reproach and to associate with him, he approved, and believed in the excellence of this kind of training. But if it was clear that the attraction lay in the boy's outward beauty, he banned 147 13 14 t2 e XENOPHON Τὸ μέντοι ταῦτα ἀπιστεῖσθαι ὑπό τινων οὐ θαυμάζω: ἐν πολλαῖς γὰρ τῶν πόλεων οἱ νόμοι οὐκ ἐναντιοῦνται ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιθυμίαις. ᾿ Ἢ μὲν δὴ παιδεία εἴρηται ἥ τε Λακωνικὴ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Ελλήνων: ἐξ ὁποτέρας δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ εὐπειθέστεροι καὶ αἰδημονέστεροι καὶ ὧν δεῖ ἐγκρατέστεροι ἄνδρες ἀποτελοῦνται, ὁ βουλόμενος καὶ ταῦτα ἐπισκοπείσθω. muli III. Ὅταν γε μὴν ἐκ παίδων εἰς τὸ μειρα- κιοῦσθαι ἐκβαίνωσι, τηνικαῦτα οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παύουσι μὲν ἀπὸ παιδαγωγῶν, παύουσι δὲ ἀπὸ διδασκάλων, ἄρχουσι δὲ οὐδένες ἔτι αὐτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτονόμους ἀφιᾶσιν: ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος καὶ τούτων τἀναντία ἔγνω. καταμαθὼν γὰρ τοῖς τηλικούτοις μέγιστον μὲν φρόνημα ἐμφυόμενον, μάλιστα δὲ ὕβριν ἐπιπολάζουσαν, ἰσχυροτάτας δὲ ἐπιθυμίας τῶν ἡδονῶν παρισταμένας, τηνικαῦτα πλείστους μὲν πόνους αὐτοῖς ἐπέβαλε, πλείστην δὲ ἀσχολίαν ἐμηχανήσατο. ἐπιθεὶς δὲ καὶ εἴ τις ταῦτα φύγοι, μηδενὸς ἔτει τῶν καλῶν τυγχάνειν, ἐποίησε μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐκ δημοσίου ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς κηδομένους ἑκάστων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, ὡς μὴ ἀποδειλιάσαντες ἀδόκιμοι παντάπασιν ἐν τῇ πόλει γένοιντο. Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὸ αἰδεῖσθαι ἰσχυρῶς ἐμ- φυσιῶσαι βουλόμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐπέταξεν ἐντὸς μὲν τοῦ ἱματίου τὼ χεῖρε ἔχειν, σιγῇ δὲ πορεύεσθαι, περιβλέπειν δὲ μηδαμοῖ, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν ὁρᾶν. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ δῆλον γεγένηται, ὅτι τὸ ἄρρεν φῦλον καὶ εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἰσχυρότερόν ἐστι τῆς θηλείας φύσεως, ἐκείνων γοῦν ἧττον μὲν ἂν φωνὴν 148 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, i. 14-u1.-5 I am not surprised, however, that people refuse 14 to believe this. For in many states the laws are not opposed to the indulgence of these appe- tites. I have now dealt with the Sp - n system of : — and that of the other Greek states, w - resp hich When a boy c ceases to be a child, and begins to be a lad, others release him from his moral tutor and his schoolmaster: he is then no longer under a ruler and is allowed to go his own way. . Here stem. For he observed that at this time of life 2 f-will makes strong root in a boy's mind, a tendency to insolence manifests itself, and a keen appetite for pleasure in different forms takes posses. sign: of him. At Rind this tage, aereform he impc p blie pork agi but their relations also to take pains that the lads did not incur the contempt of their fellow citizens by flinching from their tasks. . Moreover, Ξ ' 00 in them, he required them to keep their hands under their cloaks, to walk in silence, not to look about them, but to fix their eyes on the ground. The cows of this rule has p to τεὸς put even At EY rate ud οτος cr a5 149 XENOPHON ἀκούσαις ἢ τῶν λιθίνων, ἧττον δ᾽ ἂν ὄμματα μεταστρέψαις ἢ τῶν χαλκῶν, αἰδημονεστέρους δ᾽ ἂν «αὐτοὺς ἡγήσαιο καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐν τοῖς θαλάμοις παρθένων. καὶ ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὸ φιλίτιόν γε ἀφίκωνται, ἀγαπητὸν αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ ἐρωτηθὲν ἀκοῦσαι. Καὶ τῶν μὲν αὖ παιδίσκων οὕτως ἐπεμελήθη. IV. Περί γε μὴν τῶν ἡβώντων πολὺ μάλιστα ἐσπούδασε, νομίζων τούτους, εἰ γένοιντο οἵους δεῖ, πλεῖστον ῥέπειν ἐπὶ τὸ ἀγαθὸν τῇ πόλει. ὁρῶν οὗν, οἷς ἂν μάλιστα φιλονεικία ἐγγένηται, τούτων καὶ χοροὺς ἀξιακροατοτάτους γιγνομένους καὶ γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας ἀξιοθεατοτάτους, ἐνόμιξεν, εἰ καὶ τοὺς ἡβῶντας συμβάλλοι εἰς ἔριν περὶ ἀρετῆς, οὕτως ἂν καὶ τούτους ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀφικνεῖσθαι ἀνδραγαθίας. ὡς οὖν τούτους αὖ συνέβαλεν, ἐξηγήσομαι. ᾿ Αἱροῦνται τοίνυν αὐτῶν οἱ ἔφοροι ἐκ τῶν ἀκμα- ζόντων τρεῖς ἄνδρας" οὗτοι δὲ ἱππαγρέται κα- λοῦνται. τούτων δ᾽ ἕκαστος ἄνδρας ἑκατὸν καταλέγει, διασαφηνίζων, ὅτου ἕνεκα τοὺς μὲν προτιμᾷ, τοὺς δὲ ἀποδοκιμάζει. οἱ οὖν μὴ τυγ- Xávovres. TÓV καλῶν πολεμοῦσι τοῖς τε ἀποστεί- λασιν αὐτοὺς καὶ τοῖς αἱρεθεῖσιν. ἀνθ᾽ αὑτῶν, καὶ παραφυλάττουσιν ἀλλήλους, ἐάν τι παρὰ τὰ καλὰ νομιξόμενα ῥᾳδιουργῶσι. Καὶ αὕτη δὴ γίγνεται ἡ θεοφιλεστάτη τε καὶ ! Longinus and Stobaeus quote this with ὀφθαλμοῖς, *' eyes," in place of θαλάμοις, ““ bridal chambers " ; and the former cen- sures the use of παρθένων for κορῶν, meaning ** pupils " of the eye. 3. Cyropaedia, τι. i. 22. 150 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, mi. 5-1v. 5 stone image to utter a sound sooner than those lads; you would sooner attract the attention of a '" bronze figure; you might think them more modest even tham a young bride in the bridal chamber.! When they have taken their place at a public meal, you must be content if you can get an answer to a question. -— Such was the care that he bestowed on the he showed by far the deepest solicitude. For he believed that if these were of the right stamp they must exercise a powerful influence for good on the state. He saw that where the spirit of rivalry? is 2 acle. He believed, therefore, that id σι. nw md N "00 ga. adici φ NS Essi erred apt, .» : L JU Du b - 8. L ΕΝ Ie ce3 I will proceed to expla instituted matches between the est 3 rw eye vendis τ e The result is that those who fail to win 4 the honour are at war both with those who sent them away and with their successful rivals ; and they are on the watch for any lapse from the code of honour. Here then you find that kind of strife that is 5 3 ('yropaedia, vir. ii. 26. ISI XENOPHON πολιτικωτάτη ἔρις, ἐν ἡ ἀποδέδεικται μὲν ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν τὸν ἀγαθόν, χωρὶς δ᾽ ἑκάτεροι ἀσκοῦσιν, ὅπως ἀεὶ κράτιστοι ἔσονται, ἐὰν δέ τι δέη, καθ᾽ ἕνα ἀρήξουσι τῇ πόλει παντὶ σθένει. ἀνάγκη δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ εὐεξίας, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. καὶ γὰρ πυκτεύουσι διὰ τὴν ἔριν ὅπου ἂν συμβάλωσι: διαλύειν μέντοι τοὺς μαχομένους πᾶς ὁ παρα- γενόμενος κύριος. jv δέ τις ἀπειθῇ τῷ διαλύοντι, ἄγει αὐτὸν ὁ παιδονόμος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους" οἱ δὲ ξημιοῦσι μεγαλείως, καθιστάναι βουλόμενοι εἰς τὸ μήποτε ὀργὴν τοῦ μὴ πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις κρατῆσαι. Τοῖς γε “μὴν τὴν ἡβητικὴν ἡλικίαν πεπερα- κόσιν, ἐξ ὧν ἤδη καὶ αἱ μέγισται ἀρ αἱ καθί- στανται, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι " EXXqves ἀφελόντες αὐτῶν τὸ ἰσχύος ἔτι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι στρατεύεσθαι ὅμως αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάττουσιν, ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος τοῖς τηλι- κούτοις νόμιμον ἐποίησε κάλλιστον εἶναι τὸ θηρᾶν, εἰ μή τι δημόσιον κωλύοι, ὅπως δύναιντο καὶ οὗτοι μηδὲν ἧττον τῶν ἡβώντων στρατιωτικοὺς πόνους ὑποφέρειν. V. ^A μὲν οὖν ἑκάστῃ ἡλικίᾳ. ἐνομοθέτησεν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἐπιτηδεύματα, σχε ὃν εἴρηται" οἵαν δὲ καὶ πᾶσι δίαιταν κατεσκεύασε, νῦν πειράσομαι διηγεῖσθαι. Λυκοῦργος τοίνυν παραλαβὼν τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ὥσπερ τοὺς ἄλλους ἡ Ἕλληνας οἴκοι σκηνοῦντας, γνοὺς ἐν τούτοις πλεῖστα ῥᾳδιουργεῖσθαι eit TÓ φανερὸν ἐξήγαγε τὰ συσκήνια, οὕτως ἡγούμενος 1 Horsemanship, ii. 1. 3 Lit. moved the Syskania out into the open." See Introduction III. : 152 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, iv. 5-v. 2 len uct; and in which either rem rts itself to the end that it may never fall below its best, and that, when the time comes, every member of it may support the state with all his might. And they are bound, too, to keep themselves 6 fit, for one effect ofthe strife is that they spar when- ever they meet; but anyone present has a right to part the combatants. If anyone refuses to obey the iator the Warden takes him to the Ephors; and they fine him heavily, in order to make him realize that he must never yield to a sudden impulse to disobey the laws. To come to those who have pas outh, and are now eligible old the à While siniitiog these from the duty of bestowing further attention on their bodily strength, the other Gr require them to continue serving igMeerer. p» jycurgus established the p d the time of 7 V. IL'have ws is fairly eitiplété- dedit of ͵ ihe institutions of Lycurgus so far as they apply to the successive stages of life, I will now try to describe the system that he established for all alike. Lyeurgus found the Spartans boarding at home 2 like the other Greeks, and came to the conclusion that the custom was x pudtue for a great deal of iniscandact, . He XENOPHON [LH ἥκιστ᾽ ἂν παραβαίνεσθαι. τὰ προσταττόμενα. καὶ σῖτόν qe ἔταξεν αὐτοῖς, ὡς μήτε ὑπερπλη- ροῦσθαι μήτε ἐνδεεῖς γίγνεσθαι. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παράλογα γίγνεται ἀπὸ τῶν ἀγρευομένων: οἱ δὲ πλούσιοι ἔ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ d, ἄρτον ἀντιπαραβάλλουσιν' ὥστε οὔτε ἔρημός ποτε ἡ τράπεξα βρωτῶν γί- γνεται, ἔστ᾽ ἂν Suae qve w, οὔτε πολυδάπανος. 4 καὶ μὴν τοῦ πότου ἀποπαύσας τὰς 5 ἀναγκαίας πόσεις, al σφάλλουσι, μὲν σώματα, σφάλλουσι δὲ γνώμας, ἐφῆκεν ὁπότε διψρώη ἕκαστος πίνξιν, οὕτω νομίξων ἀβλαβέστατόν τε καὶ ἥδιστον ποτὸν γίγνεσθαι. | Οὕτω γε μὴν συσκηνούντων πῶς ἄν τις ἢ ὑπὸ Mxvelas. 7 οἰνοφλυγίας ἢ αὑτὸν ἢ οἶκον διαφθεί- pete ; καὶ γὰρ δ) ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὡς τὸ πολὺ οἱ ἥλικες ἀλλήλοις σύνεισι, μεθ᾽ ὧνπερ καὶ ἐλαχίστη αἰδὼς παραγίγνεται" ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ ἀνέμιξε παιδεύεσθαι τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς νεωτέρους ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν γεραιτέρων ἐμπειρίας. 6 καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐπιχώριον ἐν τοῖς φιλιτίοις λέγεσθαι ὅ τι ἂν καλῶς τις ἐν τῇ πόλει ποιήσῃ" ὥστ᾽ ἐκεῖ ἥκιστα μὲν ὕβριν, ἥκιστα δὲ παροινίαν, ἥκιστα δὲ αἰσχρουργίαν καὶ αἰσχρολογίαν ἐγγίγνεσθαι. ἀγαθά γε μὴν ἀπεργάζεται καὶ τάδε ἡ ἔξω σίτησις" περιπατεῖν τε yàp. ἀναγκάξονται ἐν τῇ οἴκαδε ἀφόδῳ καὶ μὴν τὸ ὑπὸ οἴνου μὴ σφάλ- λεσθαι ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, εἰδότες, ὅτι οὐκ ἔνθαπερ 1 ye Stephanus: τε S. with the MSS. 3 τὰς Madvig: τὰς οὐκ S. with the MSS. uw σι -1 ! At the publie meals each had his own eup : there was no passing of cups along as at Athens and elsewhere. Critias in Athenaeus, x. 432 n and xi. 463 x, 154 Coli omni ile m ἡ... — —" THE LACEDAEMONIANS, v. 2-7 - The amount of food he allowed. was just enough to 3 irm em from getting either too much or too i o eat, But many extras are supplied from the ubstitute wheaten bread. Consequently the bd 1 is never bare until the E breaks "p ich is th oing alike "ot IN of iod, he allowed everyone to drink when he was thirsty, believing that drink is then most harmless and most welcome. Now what opportunity did these public messes give a man to ruin himself or his estate by gluttony or wine-bibbing ? Note that in other states the 5 company usually consists of men of the same age, Where modesty is apt to be conspicuous by its absence from the board. 3 -- at the ES meals turns ; eeds wrought in the state, and so there is : little room for insolence or "I Onkch uproar, for unseemly conduct or indecent talk. And the system 7 of feeding in the open has other good results. They must needs walk home after the meal, and, of course, must take good care not to stumble under the influence of drink (for they know that they will not ? Something appears to be lost after àvéu£e. Schneider suggested ἀνέμιξε τὰς ἡλικίας ὥστε, ' mixed the ages, so that." 155 XENOPHON ἐδείπνουν καταμενοῦσι" καὶ τῇ ὄρφνῃ ὅσα ἡμέρᾳ χρηστέον' οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπὸ φανοῦ τὸν ἔτι ἔμφρουρον ἔξεστι πορεύεσθαι. 8 Καταμαθών γε μὴν ὁ Λυκοῦργος καὶ ὅτι ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν σίτων οἱ μὲν διαπονούμενοι εὗχροί τε καὶ εὔσαρκοι καὶ εὔρωστοί εἰσιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄπονοι πεφυσημένοι τε καὶ αἰσχροὶ καὶ ἀσθενεῖς ἀνα- φαίνονται, οὐδὲ τούτου ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐννοῶν, ὅτι καὶ ὅταν αὐτός τις τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γνώμῃ φιλο- πονῇ, ἀρκούντως τὸ σῶμα ἔχων ἀναφαίνεται, ἐπέταξε τὸν ἀεὶ πρεσβύτατον ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ ἑκάστῳ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ὡς μὴ πόνους αὐτοῖς 5 9 ἐλάττους τῶν σιτίων γίγνεσθαι. καὶ ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ σφαλῆναι δοκεῖ. οὐκ ἂν οὖν ῥᾳδίως γέ τις εὕροι Σπαρτιατῶν οὔτε ὑὕγιεινο- τέρους οὔτε τοῖς σώμασι χρησιμωτέρους" ὁμοίως γὰρ ἀπό τε τῶν σκελῶν καὶ ἀπὸ χειρῶν καὶ ἀπὸ τραχήλου γυμνάζονται. I. Ἐναντία γε μὴν ἔγνω καὶ τάδε τοῖς πλείστοις. ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ἕκαστος καὶ παίδων καὶ οἰκετῶν καὶ χρημάτων ἄρχουσιν ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος κατα- σκευάσαι βουλόμενος, ὡς ἂν μηδὲν βλάπτοντες ἀπολαύοιέν τι οἱ πολῖται ἀλλήλων ἀγαθόν, ἐποί- σε παίδων ἕκαστον ὁμοίως τῶν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν 2 ἀλλοτρίων ἄρχειν. ὅταν δέ τις εἰδῇ, ὅτε οὗτοι πατέρες εἰσὶ τῶν παίδων, ὧν αὐτὸς ἄρχει, ἀνάγκη οὕτως ἄρχειν, ὥσπερ ἂν καὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ἄρχεσθαι βούλοιτο. ἢν δέ τις παῖς ποτε πληγὰς λαβὼν ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου κατείπῃ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, αἰσχρόν 1 ἑκάστῳ MSS. : S. reads ἑκάστων with Hermann. 156 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, v. 7-vi. 2 stay on at the table); and they must do in the dark whatthey do in the day. Indeed, those who are still in the army are not even allowed a torch to guide them. Lycurgus had also observed the effects of the 8 same rations on the hard worker and the idler; that the former has a fresh colour, firm flesh and plenty of vigour, while the latter looks puffy, ugly and weak. He saw the importance of this; and reflecting that even a man who works hard of his own will because it is his duty to do so, looks in pretty good condition, he required the senior for the time being in every gymnasium to take care that the tasks set should be not too small for the rations allowed. And I think 9 that in this matter too he succeeded. So it would not rad easy to find healthier or ' handier men i than me VI.I In th e following respects, again, his institutions differ from the ordinary type. In most states every man has control of tis own ehidren servants and ; 'er his own. When a man P LENS that fathers 2 have this power, he is bound to rule the children over whom he exercises authority as he would wish his own to be ruled.! If a boy tells his own father when he has been whipped by another father, it is ! The text of this sentence is open to - οὗτοι πατέρες can hardly be sound. * The text as altered by Hug. ; πόνους is highly probable: the MSS. have ὡς μήποτε αὐτοὶ ἐλάττους, and S. merely omits αὐτοί, but this is not satisfactory. 157 XENOPHON ἐστι μὴ οὐκ ἄλλας πληγὰς ἐμβάλλειν τῷ υἱεῖ. οὕτω πιστεύουσιν ἀλλήλοις μηδὲν αἰσχρὸν προσ- τάττειν τοῖς παισίν. Ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ οἰκέταις, εἴ τις δεηθείη, χρῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις. καὶ κυνῶν δὲ θηρευτικῶν συνῆψε. κοινωνίαν" ὥστε οἱ μὲν δεόμενοι παρακα- λοῦσιν ἐπὶ θήραν, ὁ ὁ δὲ μὴ αὐτὸς »σχολάξων ἡδέως ἐκπέμπει. καὶ ἵπποις δὲ ὡσαύτως χρῶνται" ὁ γὰρ ἀσθενήσας ἢ δεηθεὶς ὀχήματος ἢ ταχύ ποι βουληθεὶς ἀφικέσθαι, ἤν που ἴδῃ ἵππον ὄντα, λαβὼν καὶ χρησάμενος καλῶς ἀποκαθίστησιν. Οὐ μὴν. οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γε παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰθισ- μένον ἐποίησεν ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι. ὅπου γὰρ ἂν ὑ ὑπὸ θήρας ὀψισθέντες δεηθῶσι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, ἢν μὴ συνεσκευασμένοι τύχωσι, καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἔθηκε τοὺς μὲν πεπαμένους καταλείπειν τὰ πεποιημένα, τοὺς δὲ δεομένους ἀνοίξαντας τὰ σήμαντρα, λαβόντας ὅσων ἂν δέωνται, σημηναμένους καταλιπεῖν. τοι- γαροῦν οὕτως μεταδιδόντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ οἱ τὰ μικρὰ ἔχοντες μετέχουσι πάντων τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, ὁπόταν τινὸς δεηθῶσιν. : VII. "Exavzía ye μὴν καὶ τάδε τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι κατέστησεν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἐ ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ νόμιμα. ἐν μὲν γὰρ δήπου ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι πάντες ᾿χρηματίξονται ὅ ὅσον δύνανται" ὁ μὲν γὰρ γεωργεῖ, ὁ δὲ ναυκληρεῖ, ὁ δ᾽ ἐμπορεύεται, οἱ δὲ 2 καὶ ἀπὸ τεχνῶν τρέφονται" ἐν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ ὁ Λυκοῦργος τοῖς ἐλευθέροις τῶν μὲν ἀμφὶ χρη- ματισμὸν ἀπεῖπε μηδενὸς ἅπτεσθαι, ὅσα δὲ ἐλευ- 3 i.e, so much of it as remained over. 158 EMT ——————" THE LACEDAEMONIANS, vi. 2-vii. 2 a disgrace if the parent does not give his son -He also gave the power of using other men's 3 servants in case of necessity ; and made sporting E puc to this extent, that any who want them invite their master, na if he is himself he is glad to send the hounds. A similar plan of borrowing is applied to horses also ; thus a man who falls ill or wants a carriage or wishes to get to some place quickly, if he sees a horse any where, takes and uses it carefully and duly restores it. There is yet another among the customs instituted 4 by him which is not found in other communities. It was intended to meet the needs of parties belated in the pentiog cid s eh nothing ready to eat. He made a rule that those wh ould leave coit of "this method of going dise with one another is that even those who have but little receive a share of all that the country yields when- ever they want anything. ὙΠ. Nor t tmm the list of the | tho | τ 'eek a other states. I suppose, 8 all men wise as Venet money as they can. One is a farmer, another a ship-owner, another a nickobant and others fixe b different handicrafts ] Be to 2 Tairs. He insisted 159 XENOPHON - D θερίαν rais πόλεσι παρασκευάζει, ταῦτα ἔταξε 8 μόνα ἔργα αὑτῶν νομίζειν. καὶ γὰρ δὴ τί πλοῦτος ἐκεῖ γε σπουδαστέος, ἔνθα ἴσα μὲν φέρειν εἰς τὰ. ἐπιτήδεια, ὁμοίως δὲ διαιτᾶσθαι τάξας ἐποίησε μὴ ἡδυπαθείας ἕνεκα χρημάτων ὀρέγεσθαι; ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἱματίων γε ἕνεκα χρηματιστέον' οὐ γὰρ ἐσθῆτος πολυτελείᾳ, ἀλλὰ σώματος εὐεξίᾳ κοσ- 4 μοῦνται. οὐδὲ μὴν τοῦ γε εἰς τοὺς συσκήνους ! ἔχειν δαπανᾶν χρήματα ἀθροιστέον, ἐπεὶ τὸ τῷ σώματι πονοῦντα ὠφελεῖν τοὺς συνόντας εὐδοξό- τερον ἐποίησεν ἢ τὸ δαπανῶντα," ἐπιδείξας τὸ μὲν ψυχῆς, τὸ δὲ πλούτου ἔργον. 6 Τό γε μὴν ἐξ ἀδίκων χρηματίζεσθαι καὶ. ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις διεκώλυσε. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ νό- pic pa, τοιοῦτον κατεστήσατο, ὃ δεκάμνων 8 μόνον ἂν εἰς οἰκίαν εἰσεχθὸν οὔτε δεσπότας οὔτε οἰκέτας λάθοι: καὶ γὰρ χώρας μεγάλης καὶ ἁμάξης ἀγω- 6 γῆς δέοιτ᾽ ἄν. χρυσίον γε μὴν καὶ ἀργύριον ἐρευνᾶται, καὶ ἄν τί πον φανῇ, ὁ ἔχων ζημιοῦται. τί οὖν ἂν ἐκεῖ χρηματισμὸς σπουδάζοιτο, ἔνθα ἡ κτῆσις πλείους λύπας ἢ ἡ χρῆσις εὐφροσύνας παρέχει; VIII. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ὅτι μὲν ἐν Σπάρτῃ μάλιστα πείθονται ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τε καὶ τοῖς νόμοις, ἴσμεν ἅπαντες. ἐγὼ μέντοι οὐδ᾽ ἐγχειρῆσαι οἶμαι πρό- τερον τὸν Λυκοῦργον ταύτην τὴν εὐταξίαν 1 ἕνεκα, which S. adds after evaxfjvovs^with the MSS., was removed by Weiske. 3 δαπανῶντα Morus: δαπανῶντας S. with the MSS. 3 δεκάμνων Dindorf: δέκα μνῶν S. with the MSS. 4 εὐταξίαν Dindorf: εὐεξίαν S. with the MSS. 1 Agesilaus, ix. 6. 160 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, vr. 2-vin. ir ^ entheir regarding as their own concern only those "Puta that make for civic freedom. ^ Indeed, 3 Why, Mhere d is AY even any er of Pec to o spend on cloaks: for their adornment is due not to the price of their clothes, but to the excellent condition of their bodies. Nor yet is there any reason for 4 amassing money in bre to end i “Ἂ system of coinage that he established: was of such a kind that even a sum of ten minae ? could not be brought into a house without the master and the servants being aware of it: the money would fill ἃ large space and need a wagon to draw it. Moreover, 6 there is a right of search for gold and silver, and, in the event of discovery, the possessor is fined. Why, » d then, should money-making be ἃ preoceu : tion in a j ? : ue: we all know that ἐπε να, rates and the laws is found in the For my part, however, Ithink that Lycurgus did not so much as attempt to the: ma. 2 Some £40. 161 VOL. IL. G XENOPHON καθιστάναι, πρὶν ὁμογνώμονας ἐποιήσατο τοὺς 2 κρατίστους τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει. τεκμαίρομαι δὲ ταῦτα, ὅτι ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν οἱ δυνατώτεροι οὐδὲ βούλονται δοκεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς φοβεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ νομίζουσι τοῦτο ἀνελεύθερον εἶναι. ἐν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ οἱ κράτιστοι καὶ ὑπέρ- XovTat μάλιστα τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τῷ ταπεινοὶ εἶναι μεγαλύνονται καὶ τῷ ὅταν καλῶνται τρέχοντες ἀλλὰ μὴ βαδίζοντες ὑπακούειν, νομίζοντες, ἢν αὐτοὶ κατάρχωσι τοῦ σφόδρα πείθεσθαι, ἕψεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους" ὅπερ καὶ γεγένηται. 8 Eíxog δὲ καὶ τὴν τῆς ἐφορείας δύναμιν τοὺς αὐτοὺς τούτους συγκατασκευάσαι, ἐπείπερ ἔγνω- σαν τὸ πείθεσθαι μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν εἶναι καὶ ἐν πόλει καὶ ἐν στρατιᾷ καὶ ἐν οἴκῳ" ὅσῳ γὰρ μείζω δύναμιν ἔχοι ἡ ἀρχή, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον ἡνγή- σαντο αὐτὴν καὶ καταπλήξειν τοὺς πολίτας τοῦ 4 ὑπακούειν. ἔφοροι οὖν ἱκανοὶ μέν εἰσι ζημιοῦν ὃν ἂν βούλωνται, κύριοι δ᾽ ἐκπράττειν παραχρῆμα, κύριοι δὲ καὶ ἄρχοντας μεταξὺ καταπαῦσαι" καὶ εἷρξαί γε καὶ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς ἀγῶνα κατα- στῆσαι. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχοντες δύναμιν οὐ ὥσπερ αἱ ἄλλαι πόλεις ἐῶσι τοὺς αἱρεθέντας ἀεὶ ἄρχειν τὸ ἔτος ὅπως ἂν βούλωνται, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ τύραννοι καὶ οἱ ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἐπιστάται, ἤν τινα αἰσθάνωνται παρανομοῦντά τι, εὐθὺς παραχρῆμα κολάζουσι. ὅ Πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ἄλλων ὄντων μηχανημάτων καλῶν τῷ Λυκούργῳ eis τὸ πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις 1 ἔχοι Dindorf: ἔχει S. with MSS. 2 καταπαῦσαι Stobaeus : καὶ καταπαῦσαι S. with the MSS. 162 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, vii. 1-5 to introduce this habit of discipline until he had secured agreement among the most important men in the state. l base my inference on the following 2 facts. In other states the most powerful citizens do not even wigh it to be thought that they fear the . believe such fear to be a badge "nce. τὸς qa Spi oai aen tis Eel. also that these same citizens helped Ephor come io δὸς o — that the pet rm these magistrates the more they I be imr press the minds to enact immediate payment : ie; ἐ πὰ authori also to deprive the magistrates of office, and even to . imprison and prefer a capital charge against them. WUlaMQ Bib vidi pouerthey do not, like other states, leave persons elected to office to rule as they like throughout the year, but in common with despots and the presidents of the games, they no sooner see anyone breaking the law than they |» punish the offender. fole Recon m. Suidae |. - Among many excellent plans contrived b ' Lycur- 5 gus for encouraging willing obédience to the laws 1 τοῦ ὑπακούειν is omitted inthe translation. It can hardly be right ; Schneider removed it, and Cobet proposed eis τὸ ὑπακούειν, * so as to make them obedient. " 163 XENOPHON ἐθέλειν τοὺς πολίτας, ἐν τοῖς καλλίστοις kai τοῦτό μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι, ὅτι οὐ πρότερον ἀπέδωκε τῷ πλήθει τοὺς νόμους, πρὶν ἐλθὼν σὺν τοῖς κρατίσ- τοις εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπήρετο τὸν θεόν, εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη τῇ Σπάρτῃ πειθομένῃ οἷς αὐτὸς ἔθηκε νόμοις. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀνεῖλε τῷ παντὶ ἄμεινον εἶναι, τότε ἀπέδωκεν, οὐ μόνον ἄνομον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνόσιον θεὶς τὸ πυθοχρήστοις νόμοις μὴ πείθεσθαι: IX. "A£&ov δὲ τοῦ Λυκούργου καὶ τόδε ἀγα- σθῆναι, τὸ κατεργάσασθαι ἐν τῇ πόλει αἱρετώ- τερον εἶναι τὸν καλὸν θάνατον ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ βίου: καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐπισκοπῶν τις ἂν εὕροι μείους ἀποθνήσκοντας τούτων ἢ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ φοβεροῦ 2 ἀποχωρεῖν αἱρουμένων. ὡς τάληθες εἰπεῖν καὶ ἕπεται τῇ ἀρετῇ τὸ" σώζεσθαι εἰς τὸν πλείω χρόνον μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ κακίᾳ: καὶ γὰρ ῥᾷων καὶ ἡδίων καὶ εὐπορωτέρα καὶ ἰσχυροτέρα. δῆλον δὲ ὅτι καὶ εὔκλεια μάλιστα ἕπεται τῇ ἀρετῇ" καὶ γὰρ συμμαχεῖν πως πάντες τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς βού- XovTaL. 3 "Hi μέντοι ὥστε ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι ἐμηχανήσατο καὶ τοῦτο καλὸν μὴ παραλιπεῖν. ἐκεῖνος τοίνυν σαφῶς παρεσκεύασε τοῖς μὲν ἀγαθοῖς εὐδαιμονίαν, 4 τοῖς δὲ κακοῖς κακοδαιμονίαν. ἐν μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁπόταν τις κακὸς γένηται, ἐπί- κλησιν μόνον ἔχει κακὸς εἶναι, ἀγοράζει δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ὁ κακὸς τἀγαθῷ καὶ κάθηται καὶ γυμνά- Cerat, ἐὰν βούληται: ἐν δὲ τῇ Λακεδαίμονι πᾶς 1 τὸ added by Morus: S. omits with the MSS. 1 Herodotus i. 65. 164 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, vri. 5-ix. 4 , I think one of the most excellent was this: before delivering his laws to the people he paid a visit to Delphi,! accompanied by the most important citizens, and inquired of the god whether it was desirable and better for Sparta that she should obey the laws that he himself had framed. Only when the god answered that it was better in every way did he deliver them, after enacting that to refuse obedience to laws given by the dácer τῷ was epa only unlawful, But wicked. ' fe. And, in fact, one 5. would ünd « on prre [Eae that they actually lose a smaller pro- portion of their men than those who prefer to retire from the danger zone. To tell the truth, escape 2 from premature death more generally goes with valour than ith SQnedice : fo actually However, it is proper not to pass over the means 3 by which he contrived to bring about A» ἔνα beri what scio aic Lo ensure in other states when aman ; proves a coward, the only consequence is that he is called a coward. | He goes to the same market as the brave man, sits beside him, attends the same gymnasium, if he chooses. But in Lacedaemon everyone would be ashamed to ! * The sentiment is taken from Tyrtaeus. 165 e XENOPHON μὲν ἄν Tis αἰσχυνθείη τὸν κακὸν σύσκηνον παρα λαβεῖν, πᾶς δ᾽ ἂν ἐν maXaíc uat συγγυμναστήν. πολλάκις δ᾽ ὁ τοιοῦτος καὶ διαιρουμένων τοὺς ἀντισφαιριοῦντας ἀχώριστος περιγίγνεται καὶ ἐν χοροῖς δ᾽ εἰς τὰς ἐπονειδίστους χώρας ἀπελαύ.- νεται, καὶ μὴν ἐν ὁδοῖς παραχωρητέον αὐτῷ καὶ ἐν θάκοις καὶ τοῖς νεωτέροις ὑπαναστατέον, καὶ τὰς μὲν προσηκούσας κόρας οἴκοι θρεπτέον καὶ ταύταις τῆς ἀνανδρείας l αἰτίαν ὑφεκτέον, γυναι.- κὸς δὲ κενὴν ἑστίαν περιοπτέον 5 καὶ ἅμα τούτου ζημίαν ἀποτιστέον, λιπαρὸν δὲ οὐ πλανητέον οὐδὲ μιμητέον τοὺς ἀνεγκλήτους, ἢ πληγὰς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀμεινόνων ληπτέον. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ τοιαύτης τοῖς κακοῖς ἀτιμίας ἐπικειμένης οὐδὲν θαυμάζω τὸ προαιρεῖσθαι ἐκεῖ θάνατον ἀντὶ τοῦ οὕτως ἀτίμου τε καὶ ἐπονειδίστου βίου. X. Καλῶς δέ μοι δοκεῖ ὁ Λυκοῦργος νομοθε- τῆσαι καὶ ἡ μέχρι γήρως ἀσκοῖτ᾽ ἂν ἀρετή. ἐπὶ γὰρ τῷ τέρματι τοῦ βίου τὴν κρίσιν ,τῆς γερον- τίας προσθεὶς ἐποίησε μηδὲ ἐν τῷ γήρᾳ ἀμελεῖς σθαι τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν. ἀξιάγαστον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ἐπικουρῆσαι τῷ τῶν ἀγαθῶν γήρᾳ" θεὶς γὰρ τοὺς γέροντας κυρίους τοῦ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγῶ- νος διέπραξεν ἐντιμότερον εἶναι τὸ γῆρας τῆς τῶν ἀκμαζόντων ῥώμης. εἰκότως δέ τοι καὶ σπουδάζεται οὗτος ὁ ὁ “ἀγὼν μάλιστα τῶν ,ἀνθρώ- TO. καλοὶ μὲν yàp. «ai οἱ γυμνικοί' ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν σωμάτων εἰσίν" ὁ δὲ περὶ τῆς γεροντίας ἀγὼν ψυχῶν ἀγαθῶν κρίσιν παρέχει. ὅσῳ οὖν κρείττων ψυχὴ σώματος, τοσούτῳ καὶ οἱ ἀγῶνες 1 ἀνδρείας S. with the better MSS. 166 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, ix. 4-x. 3 have a coward with him at the mess or to be matched with him in a wrestling bout. Often when sides are 5 picked for a game of ball he is the odd man left out : in the chorus he is banished to the ignominious place; in the streets he is bound to make way: when he occupies a seat he must needs give it up, even to a junior; he must support his spinster relatives at home and must explain to them why they are old maids: he must make the best of a fireside without a wife, and yet pay forfeit for that : he may not : stroll about with a cheerful countenance, nor behave : : Ὶ as though he were a man of unsullied fame, or else he must submit to be beaten by his betters. Small 6 wonder, I think, that where such a load of dishonour is laid on the coward, death seems preferable to a life so dishonoured, so ignominious. end of life, he y even: age. Worthy o of ἐν κὰν ds x is the pro- tection that he afforded to the old age of good men. δ For the enactment by which he made the Elders ; judges in trials on the capital charge caused old age to | be held in greater honour than the full vigour of man- r hood. And surely it is natural that of all contests 3 in the world this should excite the greatest zeal. For noble as are the contests in the MÀ they 1 are merely tests of bodily powers. But Β " the Council mtn hether they be g 3 περιοπτέον Dindorf : ob περιοπτέον S. with the MSS. | 167 eo 8 XENOPHON oí τῶν ψυχῶν ἢ οἱ τῶν σωμάτων ἀξιοσπουδασ- τότεροι. Τόδε γε μὴν τοῦ Λυκούργου πῶς οὐ μεγάλως. ἄξιον ἀγασθῆναι ; ὃς ἐπειδὴ κατέμαθεν, ὅτι ὅπου οἱ βουλόμενοι ἐπιμελοῦνται 3 τῆς ἀρετῆς οὐχ ἱκανοί εἰσι πὰς πατρίδας αὔξειν, ἐκεῖνος ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ ἡ ἠνάγκασε δημοσίᾳ πάντας πάσας ἀσκεῖν τὰς ἀρετάς. ὥσπερ οὖν ἰδιῶται ἰδιωτῶν δια- φέρουσιν ἀρετῇ οἱ ἀσκοῦντες τῶν ἀμελούντων, οὕτως καὶ ἡ Σπάρτη εἰκότως πασῶν τῶν πόλεων ἀρετῇ διαφέρει, μόνη δημοσίᾳ ἐπιτηδεύουσα τὴν καλοκἀγαθίαν. οὐ γὰρ κἀκεῖνο καλόν, τὸ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων κολαζουσῶν, ἤν τίς τι ἕτερος ἕτερον ἀδικῇ, ἐκεῖνον ζημίας μὴ ἐλάττους ἐπι- θεῖναι, εἴ τις φανερὸς εἴη ἀμελῶν τοῦ ὡς βέλτισ- τος εἶναι; ἐνόμιζε γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν ἀνδραάποδιζομένων τινὰς ἢ ἀποστερούντων τι ἢ κλεπτόντων τοὺς βλαπτομένους μόνον ἀδικεῖσθαι, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν κακῶν καὶ ἀνάνδρων ὅλας τὰς πόλεϊς προδίδοσθαι. ὥστε εἰκότως ἔμουγε δοκεῖ τούτοις μεγίστας ζημίας ἐπιθεῖναι. ᾿Επέθηκε δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀνυπόστατον ἀνάγκην ἀσκεῖν ἅπασαν πολιτικὴν ἀρετήν. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ τὰ νόμιμα ἐκτελοῦσιν ὁμοίως ἅπασι τὴν πόλιν οἰκείαν ἐποίησε καὶ οὐδὲν ὑπελογίσατο οὔτε σωμάτων οὔτε χρημάτων ἀσθένειαν: εἰ δέ τις ἀποδειλιάσειε τοῦ τὰ νόμιμα διαπονεῖσθαι, τοῦ- τον ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδειξε μηδὲ νομίζεσθαι ἔτε τῶν ὁμοίων εἶναι. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ὅτι μὲν παλαιότατοι οὗτοι οἱ νόμοι 1 ὅτι ἔστιν ὅπου S. with Morus, ἡ 168 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, x. ide Again, the following surely entitles the work of 4 Lycurgus to high admiration. He observed that where e is left to voluntary effort, the virtuous are not strong enough to in fame of their fatherland. s Add therefore; τάδε as pitéite individuals differ from one another in virtue according as they practise or neglect it, so 1 asa matter of ie ai was bot this too s noble rule of. iis, dci cus other states rini only for saec. done to one's neighbour, jes no less severe or ment, fraud, "Pot. are crimes that i injure hne E victims of them ; but the wicked man and the coward are traitors to the whole body politic. And so he had good reason, I think, for visiting their offences with the heaviest penalties. And he laid on the een ΒΡ dec of dew. the 7 es whole virtue of a citize coward who shrank wi the € mer But the rules of his code he caused to be no more reckoned among the peers. Now that these laws are of high antiquity there 8 3 ἐπιμελοῦντα: Haase : ἐπιμελεῖοθα. S. with the MSS. 169 XENOPHON ,» ὃ n e ^ ^ We. εἰσί, σαφές" ὁ yàp Λυκοῦργος κατὰ τοὺς 'Hpa- , , , [4 Ν . κλείδας λέγεται γενέσθαι: οὕτω δὲ παλαιοὶ ὄντες ἔτι καὶ νῦν τοῖς ἄλλοις καινότατοί εἰσι" καὶ γὰρ τὸ πάντων θαυμαστότατον ἐπαινοῦσι μὲν πάντες τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπιτηδεύματα, μιμεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτὰ , οὐδεμία πόλις ἐθέλει. XI. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν δὴ κοινὰ ἀγαθὰ καὶ ἐν , , q^. , H , ΄ εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἐν πολέμῳ" εἰ δέ τις βούλεται κατα- μαθεῖν, ὅ τι καὶ εἰς τὰς στρατείας βέλτιον τῶν ἄλλων ἐμηχανήσατο, ἔξεστι καὶ τούτων ἀκούειν. 2 Πρῶτον μὲν τοίνυν οἱ ἔφοροι προκηρύττουσι M o» ψ ^ ^ ΄ X ur ^ τὰ ἔτη, els ἃ δεῖ στρατεύεσθαι καὶ ἱππεῦσι καὶ. ὁπλίταις, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς χειροτέχναις" ὥστε ὅσοισπερ ἐπὶ πόλεως χρῶνται ἄνθρωποι, πάντων τούτων καὶ ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι εὐ- ποροῦσι' καὶ ὅσα δὲ ὀργάνων ἡ στρατιὰ κοινῇ δεηθείη ἄν, ἁπάντων τὰ μὲν ἁμάξη προστέτακται παρέχειν, τὰ δὲ ὑποζυγίῳ: οὕτω γὰρ ἥκιστ᾽ ἂν τὸ ἐκλεῖπον διαλάθοι. 8 Εἰς γε μὴν τὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀγῶνα τοιάδ᾽ ἐμηχανήσατο, στολὴν μὲν ἔχειν φοινικίδα καὶ χαλκῆν ἀσπίδα, ταύτην νομίζων ἥκιστα μὲν ᾿γυναικείᾳ κοινωνεῖν, πολεμικωτάτην δ᾽ εἶναι" καὶ γὰρ τάχιστα λαμπρύνεται καὶ σχολαιότατα ῥυπαίνεται. ἐφῆκε δὲ καὶ κομᾶν τοῖς ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡβητικὴν ἡλικίαν, νομίζων οὕτω καὶ μείζους ἂν καὶ ἐλευθεριωτέρους καὶ γοργοτέρους φαίνεσθαι. 4 Οὕτω γε μὴν κατεσκευασμένων μόρας μὲν διεῖλεν ἐξ καὶ ἱππέων καὶ ὁπλιτῶν. ἑκάστη δὲ 1 The words καὶ χαλκῆν ἀσπίδα should probably come before καὶ yàp τάχιστα. There is also a suspicion that some words 170 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, x. 8-xr. 4 aotem i er ! anyone "ope to discover in what respect ops organisation of the army on active service was better than other systems, here is the information that he seeks. issue a proclamation à the age- 2 Enos for the levy, first fc y and nd then for the ha the emonians are w 1. "Thus with all things that are found useful in civil life. All the implements that an army may require in common are ordered to be assembled, some in carts, some on baggage animals; thus anything missing is not at all likely to be overlooked. In the equipment that he devised for the troops 3 in battle he incl uded aged quss, because he believed this garment to have least resemblance to women's clothing and to be most suitable for war, and a brass , because it is very soon we and Axrntehies very slowly. He also pei i The men so equipped were ; ; The officers of referring to other details of the equipment have dropped out. 171 5 -]l 8 XENOPHON τῶν πολιτικῶν μορῶν ἔχει πολέμαρχον ἕνα, λοχαγοὺς τέτταρας, πεντηκοντῆρας ὀκτώ, ἐνω- μοτάρχους ἑκκαίδεκα. ἐκ δὲ τούτων τῶν μορῶν διὰ παρεγγυήσεως καθίστανται τότε μὲν εἰς pM ἐνωμοτίας, τότε δὲ εἰς τρεῖς, τότε δὲ εἰς ἕξ. ^O δὲ οἱ πλεῖστοι οἴονται, πολυπλοκωτάτην εἶναι τὴν ἐν ὅπλοις Λακωνικὴν τάξιν, τὸ ἐναντιώ- τατον ὑπειλήφασι τοῦ ὄντος" εἰσὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ τάξει οἱ | πρωτοστάται ἄρχοντες καὶ ὁ στίχος ἕκαστος πάντ᾽ ἔχων ὅσα δεῖ παρέχεσθαι. οὕτω δὲ ῥᾷδιον ταύτην τὴν τάξιν μαθεῖν, ὡς ὅστις τοὺς ἀνθρώπους δύναται γιγνώσκειν, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἁμάρτοι: τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἡγεῖσθαι δέδοται, τοῖς δὲ ἕπεσθαι τέτακται. αἱ δὲ παραγωγαὶ ὥσπερ ὑπὸ κήρυκος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡνωμοτάρχουι λόγῳ δηλοῦνται, αἷς ἀραιαί τε καὶ βαθύτεραι αἱ φάλαγγες γίγνον- ται" ὧν δὴ οὐδ᾽ ὅπως τι οὖν χαλεπὸν μαθεῖν. τὸ μέντοι κἂν ταραχθῶσι μετὰ τοῦ παρατυχόντος ὁμοίως μάχεσθαι, ταύτην τὴν τάξιν οὐκέτι ῥᾷδιόν ἐστι μαθεῖν πλὴν τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦ Λυκούργου νόμων πεπαιδευμένοις. ε Εὐπορώτατα δὲ καὶ ἐκεῖνα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ποιοῦσι τὰ τοῖς ὁπλομάχοις πάνυ δοκοῦντα χαλεπὰ εἶναι" ὅταν μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ κέρως πορεύων- ται, κατ᾽ οὐρὰν δήπου ἐνωμοτία. ἐνωμοτίᾳ. ἕπεται" ἐὰν δ᾽ ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου πολεμία φάλαγξ ἐπιφανῇ, τῷ ἐνωμοτάρχῃ παρεγγυᾶται εἰς 1 No gap is indicated in S. ! Or, reading" ὁπλιτικῶν with Stobaeus, ''regiment of heavy infantry.? * Qn account of Hellenica ναι. iv. 20 and v. 10 it is Hhenghá that δύο, two," should be read for τέτταρας (δ΄). 172 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xi. 4-8. The preval ent opinion tha the Lacon: formation is A com olicated is the very 1 reverse "of the truth. onian format rank men are all A denas and each file has all that it requires to make it effieient.A The.formation is so 6 easy to understand that no one who knows man from man can possibly go wrong. For some have the privilege of leading ; and the rest are under orders to follow. Orders to wheel from column into line of battle are given verbally by the second lieutenant acting as a herald, and the line is formed either thin or deep, by wheeling. Nothing whatever in these movements is difficult to understand. Τὸ be sure, 7 the secret of carrying on in a battle with any troops at hand when theline gets into confusion is not so easy to grasp, except for soldiers trained under the laws of Pied every section of course follows in the rear of the section in front of it, Suppose that at such a time. an enemy in order of battle suddenly makes his appearance in front: the word is passed to the * A number, ἕνα, *'in single file," or δύο, ** two," must have fallen out before ἐνωμοτίας. * The exact meaning is not clear and the text is possibly corrupt. Weiske suggested πάντα παρέχει, **acts exactly as it should, " 173 XENOPHON μέτωπον παρ᾽ ἀσπίδα καθίστασθαι, καὶ διὰ rav. τὸς οὕτως, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἡ φάλαγξ ἐναντία καταστῇ. ἤν γε μὴν οὕτως ἐχόντων ἐκ τοῦ ὄπισθεν οἱ πολέ- pio, ἐπιφανῶσιν, ἐξελίττεται ἕκαστος ὁ στίχος, ἵνα οἱ κράτιστοι ἐναντίοι ἀεὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὦσιν. 9 ὅτε δὲ ὁ ἄρχων εὐώνυμος γίγνεται, οὐδ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ μειονεκτεῖν ἡγοῦνται, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ πλεονεκ- τεῖν. εἰ γάρ τινες κυκλοῦσθαι ἐπιχειροῖεν, οὐκ ἂν κατὰ τὰ γυμνά, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ ὡπλισμένα περιβάλλοιεν ἄν. ἢν δέ ποτε ἕνεκά τινος δοκῇ συμφέρειν τὸν ἡγεμόνα δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχειν, στρέ- ψαντες τὸ ἄγημα ἐπὶ κέρας ἐξελίττουσι τὴν φάλαγγα, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὁ μὲν ἡγεμὼν δεξιὸς ἦ, ἡ δὲ 10 οὐρὰ εὐώνυμος γένηται. ἣν δ᾽ αὖ ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν πολεμίων τάξις ἐπιφαίνηται ἐπὶ κέρως πορευο- μένων, οὐδὲν ἄλλο πραγματεύονται ἢ τὸν λόχον ἕκαστον ὥσπερ τριήρη ἀντίπρῳρον τοῖς ἐναντίοις στρέφουσι, καὶ οὕτως αὖ γίγνεται ὁ κατ᾽ οὐρὰν λόχος παρὰ δόρυ. ἤν γε μὴν κατὰ τὰ εὐώνυμα πολέμιοι προσίωσιν, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἐῶσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπω- θοῦσιν ἢ ἐναντίους ἀντιπάλοις τοὺς λόχους στρέ- φουσι' καὶ οὕτως αὖ ὁ κατ᾽ οὐρὰν λόχος παρ᾽ ἀσπίδα καθίσταται. XII. 'Epà δὲ καὶ 7j στρατοπεδεύεσθαι ἐνόμισε χρῆναι Λυκοῦργος. Διὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ τὰς γωνίας τοῦ τετραγώνου 1 ὦ 6. this was the regular plan, because each of two . battle lines advancing to meet one another always tended to converge to the right. See Thucydides, v. 71. 174 — XII. I will now « THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xi. 8-xtr.. i S ᾧ 3 ^ ; thinking this a disadvantage, they regard it as a positive advantage at times. For should the enemy attempt a flanking movement he would try to encircle them, not on the exposed but on the protected side.! If, however, it seems better for any reason that the leader should be on the right wing, the left wing wheels, and the army counter-marches by ranks until the leader is on the right, and the rear of the column on the left. If,on the other hand, an enemy force appears on the right when they are marching in column, all that they have to do is to order each company to wheel to the right so as to front the enemy like a man-of-war, and thus again the com- pany at the rear of the column is on the right. 1f again an enemy approaches on the left, they do not allow that either, but either push him back? or wheel their companies to the left to face him, and thus the rear of the column finds itself on the left. eeing that the angles of a square are useless, he 3 This can only mean that if the Lacedaemonians are in battle-order the whole phalanx turns to the left to meet the attack: wheeling by companies to the left would only be necessary when the army marching in column was threatened on the left. But ἀλλὰ προθέουσιν found in C (** but either run forward ") is almost certainly the right reading. 175 — 0 τῷ XENOPHON ἀ ρήστους εἶναι εἰς κύκλον ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο, εἰ μὴ ὄρος ἀσφαλὲς εἴη ἢ τεῖχος ἢ ποταμὸν ὄπισθεν ἔχοιεν. φυλακάς γε μὴν ἐποίησε μεθημερινὰς τὰς μὲν παρὰ τὰ ὅπλα εἴσω βλεπούσας" οὐ γὰρ πολεμίων ἕνεκα ἀλλὰ φίλων αὗται καθίστανται" τούς γε μὴν πολεμίους ἱππεῖς φυλάττουσιν ἀπὸ χωρίων ὧν ἂν ἐκ πλείστου προορῷεν. εἰ δέ τις προσῖοι 1 νύκτωρ ἔξω τῆς φάλαγγος ἐνόμισεν ὑπὸ Σκιριτῶν προ- φυλάττεσθαι" νῦν δ᾽ ἤδη καὶ ὑπὸ ξένων ἢν TUxociv? αὐτῶν τινες συμπαρόντες. τὸ δὲ ἔχοντας τὰ δόρατα ἀεὶ περιιέναι, εὖ καὶ τοῦτο δεῖ εἰδέναι ὅτι τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἕνεκά ἐστιν οὗπερ καὶ τοὺς δούλους εἴργουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων. καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἀπιόντας οὐ δεῖ θαυμάζειν ὅτι οὔτε ἀλλήλων οὔτε τῶν ὅπλων πλέον ἢ ὅσον μὴ λυπεῖν ἀλλήλους ἀπέρχονται" καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ἀσφαλείας ἕ ἕνεκα, ποιοῦσι. Μεταστρατοπεδεύονταί γε μὴν πυκνὰ καὶ τοῦ σίνεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ ὠφελεῖν τοὺς φίλους. Καὶ γυμνάζεσθαι δὲ προαγορεύεται ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἅπασι Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἕωσπερ, ἂν στρατεύ- ὠνται" ὥστε μεγαλοπρεπεστέρους μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς γίγνεσθαι, ἐλευθεριωτέρους δὲ τῶν ἄλλων φαίνεσθαι. δεῖ δὲ οὔτε περίπατον οὔτε δρόμον μάσσω ποιεῖσθαι ἢ ὅσον ἂν ἡ μόρα ἐφήκῃ, ὅπως μηδεὶς τῶν αὑτοῦ ὅπλων πόρρω γίγνηται. μετὰ δὲ τὰ γυμνάσια καθίζειν μὲν ὁ πρῶτος πολέ- 1 προσίοι Madvig: προΐοι S. with the MSS. S. places ἃ comma after φάλαγγοΞ. 176 protection in the rear. keep a an 458 pat on the fpem but on their Iriends. ease of a hostile *, idest eutlk, V he assigned from h i THE LACEDAEMONIANS, ix 16 ed the οὗ except where there seme acenesire: hilo wal , or a river afforded He caused sentries to be 2 ic nwards along the place where ns were mes or the object of these is to de "To Diar the the duty of acting as sentries outside the lines to the Sciritae. In these days the duty is shared by foreigners, if any happen to be present in the camp. The rule that patrols invariably carry their spears, 4 has the same purpose, undoubtedly, as the exclusion of slaves from the place of arms. Noris it surprising that sentries who withdraw for necessary purposes only go so far away from one another and from the arms as not te cause inconvenience. . Safety is the The 3 is tim ly shifted with t ihe double 5 to practise campaign; and the ΠΝ is that ix take more pride in themselves and have. a more: ED ν οὐφρκυρα, CAD DELI men. ither walk nor ra του αναννὸς After oin br m the senior 6 colonel gives the order by herald to sit down—this 5 ἣν τύχωσιν is added by Ruehl: S. reads αὐτῶν el τινες with Hermann. 177 XENOPHON μαρχος κηρύττει" ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο ὥσπερ ἐξέτασις" ἐκ τούτου δὲ ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι καὶ ταχὺ τὸν πρό- σκοπον ὑπολύεσθαι' ἐκ τούτου δ᾽ αὖ διατριβαὶ καὶ ἀναπαύσεις πρὸ τῶν ἑσπερινῶν γυμνασίων. μετά γε μὴν ταῦτα δειπνοποιεῖσθαι κηρύττεται, καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἄσωσιν εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς οἷς ἂν κεκαλλιε- ρηκότες ὦσιν, ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἀναπαύεσθαι. "Or, δὲ πολλὰ γράφω, οὐ δεῖ θαυμάζειν" ἥκιστα γὰρ Λακεδαιμονίοις εὕροι ἄν τις παρα- λελειμμένα ἐν τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς ὅσα δεῖ ἐπιμελείας. XIIL Διηγήσομαι δὲ καὶ ἣν ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς ὁ Λυκοῦργος βασιλεῖ δύναμιν καὶ τιμὴν παρε- σκεύασε. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ φρουρᾶς τρέφει ἡ πόλις βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ" συσκηνοῦσι δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ πολέμαρχοι, ὅπως ἀεὶ συνόντες μᾶλλον καὶ κοινοβουλῶσιν, ἤν τι δέωνται: συσκηνοῦσι δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τρεῖς ἄνδρες τῶν ὁμοίων" οὗτοι τούτοις ἐπιμελοῦνται πάντων τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, ὡς μηδεμία ἀσχολία 7 αὐτοῖς τῶν πολεμικῶν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. ᾿Επαναλήψομαι δέ, ὡς ἐξορμᾶται σὺν στρατιᾷ ὁ βασιλεύς. θύει μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον οἴκοι ὧν Au ἀγήτορι καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ: ἣν δὲ ἐνταῦθα καλλιερήσῃ, λαβὼν ὁ πυρφόρος πῦρ ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ προηγεῖται ἐπὶ τὰ ὅρια τῆς χώρας" ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖ αὖ θύεται Au καὶ ᾿Αθηνᾷ. ὅταν δὲ ἀμφοῖν τούτοιν τοῖν θεοῖν καλλιερηθῇ, τότε 1 Or, if we read οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ with Haase, '*he and his staff." By ''the associated gods" we should understand 178 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xir. 6—xiri. 3 is their method of inspection—and next to take break- fast and to relieve the onkposts quickly. After this eveni g: 1 ises EU bese bein finished, the herald 7 ves the order t TUUS as soon as c have sung to the praise of the gods to whom they have sacrificed with good omens, to rest by the arms. Let not the length to which lrun occasion sur- prise, for it is almost impossible to find any detail in military matters requiring attention that is over- looked by the Lacedaemonians. XIII. I will also give an account of the po — — m tained by t The colonels mess with the King, i in τὸν ἄντ that con- stant intercourse may A better. opportunities fof* 6 entire charge he commissariat for the King ani his staff, so that these may devote all their time to affairs of war. But I will Zo bet to the be ning, and explain 2 how ig sets out wi p irdiiny "irst he offers up ies at em to Zeus the Leader and to the gods associated with him.! If the sacrifice appears propitious, the Fire-bearer takes fire | from the altar and leads the way to the borders 'of the land. There the King offers sacrifice again to Zeus and Athena. Only when the sacrifice proves 3 acceptable to both these deities does he cross the Castor and Pollux, the Dioscuri. In the Oxford text I gave τοῖν gioi», **the twin gods." 179 “1 XENOPHON διαβαίνει rà ὅρια τῆς χώρας" καὶ τὸ πῦρ μὲν ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν ἱερῶν προηγεῖται οὔποτε ἀπο- σβεννύμενον, σφάγια δὲ παντοῖα ἕπεται. ἀεὶ δὲ ὅταν θύηται, ἄρχεται μὲν τούτου τοῦ ἔργου ἔτι κνεφαῖος, προλαμβάνειν βουλόμενος τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ εὔνοιαν. πάρεισι δὲ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν πολέμαρχοι, λοχαγοί, πεντηκοντῆρες, ξένων στρατίαρχοι, στρατοῦ σκευοφαρικοῦ ἄρχοντες, καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων δὲ στρατηγῶν ὁ βουλόμενος: πάρεισι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐφόρων δύο, οἱ πολυπραγμονοῦσι μὲν οὐδέν, ἢν μὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς προσκαλῇ: ὁρῶντες δὲ ὅ τι ποιεῖ ἕκαστος πάντας σωφρονίζουσιν, ὡς τὸ εἰκός. ὅταν δὲ τελεσθῇ τὰ ἱερά, ὁ βασιλεὺς προσκαλέσας πάντας παραγγέλλει τὰ ποιητέα. ὥστε ὁρῶν ταῦτα ἡγήσαιο ἂν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους αὐτοσχεδιαστὰς εἶναι τῶν στρατιωτικῶν, Λακε- δαιμονίους δὲ μόνους τῷ ὄντι τεχνίτας τῶν πολεμικῶν. , ᾿Ἐπειδάν γε μὴν ἡγῆται βασιλεύς, ἢν μὲν μηδεὶς ἐναντίος φαίνηται, οὐδεὶς αὐποῦ πρόσθεν πορεύεται πλὴν Σκιρῖται καὶ οἱ προερευνώμενοι ἱππεῖς" ἢν δέ ποτε μάχην οἴωνται ἔσεσθαι, λαβὼν τὸ ἄγημα τῆς πρώτης μόρας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄγει στρέψας ἐπὶ δόρυ, ἔστ᾽ ἂν γένηται ἐν μέσῳ δυοῖν μόραιν καὶ δυοῖν πολεμάρχοιν. obs δὲ δεῖ ἐπὶ τούτοις τετάχθαι, ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν περὶ δάμοσίαν συντάττει" εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι ὅσοι ἂν σύσκηνοι ὦσι τῶν ὁμοίων, καὶ μάντεις καὶ ἰατροὶ καὶ αὐληταὶ καὶ οἱ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες, καὶ ἐθελούσιοι ἤν τινες παρῶσιν. ὥστε τῶν δεομένων γίγνεσθαι οὐδὲν ἀπορεῖται: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀπρό- σκεπτόν ἐστι. 180 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xrt. 3-7 borders of the land. | And the fire from these sacri- fices leads the way and is never quenched, and animals for sacrifice of every sort follow. At all times when he offers sacrifice, the King begins the work before dawn of doy. hic ma to fofestalt Sie seed "ἐξ th dins imt | 3 here are also eir two - o the 5 Ej hors, who interfere in nothing except by the King's request, but keep an eye on the proceedings, and see that all behave with a decorum suitable to the occasion. When the sacrifices are ended, the King summons all and delivers the orders of the day. And so, cond Lyon. watch the scene, you. would think When the King leads, provided that no enemy 6 appears, no one precedes him except the Sciritae and the mounted vedettes. But if ever they think there will be fighting, he takes the lead of the first regiment and wheels to the right, until he is between two regiments and two colonels. The troops that 7 are to support these are marshalled by the senior member of the King's staff. The staff consists of all peers who are members of the royal mess, seed — eem — ΝΝ officers and. a 181. 8 10 l1 XENOPHON Μάλα δὲ καὶ τάδε ὠφέλιμα, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, » , ^ » b , v ^ ἐμηχανήσατο Λυκοῦργος εἰς τὸν ἐν ὅπλοις ἀγῶνα. ὅταν yàp ὁρώντων ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων χίμαιρα σφαγιάξηται, αὐλεῖν τε πάντας τοὺς παρόντας αὐλητὰς νόμος καὶ μηδένα Λακεδαιμονίων ἀστε- , *, Mv P Á, φάνωτον εἶναι: kai ὅπλα δὲ λαμπρύνεσθαι προ- αγορεύεται. ἔξεστι δὲ τῷ νέῳ καὶ κεκριμένῳ εἰς μάχην συνιέναι καὶ φαιδρὸν εἶναι καὶ εὐδόκιμον. καὶ παρακελεύονται, δὲ τῷ ἐνωμοτάρχῃ" οὐδ᾽ ἀκούεται γὰρ εἰς ἑκάστην πᾶσαν τὴν ἐνωμοτίαν ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστου ἐνωμοτάρχου ἔξω: ὅπως δὲ καλῶς γίγνηται, πολεμάρχῳ δεῖ μέλειν. eu . * ^ , Orav γε μὴν καιρὸς δοκῇ εἶναι στρατοπεδεύε- σθαι, τούτου μὲν κύριος βασιλεὺς καὶ τοῦ δεῖξαί γε, ὅπου δεῖ" τὸ μέντοι πρεσβείας ἀποπέμπεσθαι καὶ φιλίας καὶ πολεμίας, τοῦτ᾽ ov? βασιλέως. καὶ ἄρχονται μὲν πάντες ἀπὸ βασιλέως, ὅταν Li "- , * , . , , , βούλωνται πρᾶξαί τι. ἢν δ᾽ οὖν δίκης δεόμενός τις ἔλθῃ, πρὸς ἑλλανοδίκας τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποπέμπει, Tv δὲ χρημάτων, πρὸς ταμίας, ἢν δὲ ληίδα ἄγων, πρὸς λαφυροπώλας. οὕτω δὲ / ^ 3055 » » - πραττομένων βασιλεῖ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔργον κατα- λείπεται ἐπὶ φρουρᾶς ἢ ἱερεῖ μὲν τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εἶναι, στρατηγῷ δὲ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. XIV. E; δέ vis με ἔροιτο, εἰ καὶ νῦν ἔτε μοι 1 κεκριμένῳ i8 somehow wrong. Weiske proposed xal . κόμην διακεκριμένῳ after Plutarch, Lyc. 22. εὐδόκιμον also comes in oddly as the text stands. Probably some words are lost either before φαιδρὸν or after εὐδόκιμον. 3 οὐ Weiske: αὖ S. with the MSS. 182 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xu. 8-xiv. 1 The following ar 1 made by Lycurgus 8 with a view to are also, in my opinion, very useful. When a goat is sacrificed, the enemy being near enough to see, custom ordains that all the fluteplayers present are to play and every Lacedaemonian is to wear a wreath. An order is also given to polish arms, [1 is also the privilege of the young warrior to comb his hair(?) before entering battle, to look cheerful and earn a good report. Moreover,the men shout words of eucourage- ment to the subaltern, for it is impossible for each subaltern to make his voice travel along. the whole of his section to the far end.? The colonel is responsible for seeing that all is done properly. When the time for encamping seems to have arrived, the decision rests with the King, who also indicates the proper place. On the other hand the dispatch of embassies whether to friends or enemies is not the King's affair. All who have any business to transact deal in the first instance with the King. Suitors for justice are remitted by the King to the Court of Hellanodicae, applications for money to the treasurers ; and if anyone brings booty, he is sent to the auctioneers. With thi H only ies left to the King on active service are. C J an XIV. Should anyone ask me whether I think δὰ This paragraph is an afterthought, supplementing c. xi. 2 When two or more sections are abreast (c. xi. 4), the 10 men take up and repeat the exhortations of the subaltern : at the end of the line, and pass them along to the next subaltern, and so on. These detached notes are not clearly exp 183 XENOPHON δοκοῦσιν οἱ Λυκούργου νόμοι ἀκίνητοι διὰμένειν, τοῦτο μὰ A6 οὐκ ἂν ἔτι θρασέως εἴποιμι. οἶδα γὰρ πρότερον μὲν Λακεδαιμονίους αἱρουμένους οἴκοι τὰ μέτρια ἔχοντας ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἁρμόζοντας ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ κολακευομένους διαφθείρεσθαι. καὶ πρόσθεν μὲν οἶδα αὐτοὺς φοβουμένους χρυσίον ἔχοντας φαίνεσθαι" νῦν δ᾽ ἔστιν οὺς καὶ καλλωπιζομένους ἐπὶ τῷ κεκτῆσθαι. ἐπίσταμαι δὲ καὶ πρόσθεν τούτου ἕνεκα ξενηλα- σίας γιγνομένας καὶ ἀποδημεῖν οὐκ ἐξόν, ὅπως μὴ ῥᾳδιουργίας οἱ πολῖται ἀπὸ τῶν ξένων ἐμπί- πλαιντο' νῦν δ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι τοὺς δοκοῦντας πρώτους εἶναι ἐσπουδακότας, ὡς μηδέποτε παύωνται ἁρμόζοντες ἐπὶ ξένης. καὶ ἣν μὲν ὅτε ἐπεμελοῦντο, ὅπως ἄξιοι εἶεν ἡγεῖσθαι: νῦν δὲ πολὺ μᾶλλον πραγματεύονται, ὅπως ἄρξουσιν ἢ ὅπως ἄξιοι τούτου ἔσονται. τοιγαροῦν οἱ “Ἕλληνες πρότερον μὲν ἰόντες εἰς Λακεδαίμονα ἐδέοντο αὐτῶν ἡγεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἀδικεῖν: νῦν δὲ πολλοὶ παρακαλοῦσιν ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ τὸ διακωλύειν ἄρξαι πάλιν αὐτούς. οὐδὲν μέντοι δεῖ θαυμάζειν τούτων τῶν ἐπιψόγων αὐτοῖς γιγνομένων, ἐπειδὴ φανεροί εἰσιν οὔτε τῷ θεῷ πειθόμενοι οὔτε τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις. ΧΥ. Βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἃς βασιλεῖ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν συνθήκας ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἐποίησε διηγήσα- σθαι: μόνη γὰρ δὴ αὕτη ἀρχὴ διατελεῖ οἵαπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεστάθη: τὰς δὲ ἄλλας πολιτείας 184 ον TS S m THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xiv. 1-xv. 1 ^daemonians preferred to live together at home with moderate fortunes rather than expose them- selves to the corrupting influences of flattery as governors of dependent states. And 1 know too 3 that in foiner days i were. us to be Dad now As have no doubt that the fixed embilipet x those who are thought to be first among them is to live to their dying day as governors in a foreign land. . There was ἃ time when they would fain be worth of 5 : than 1 vorthy of it. Therefore in 6 times past the Greeks Rid come to Lacedaemon and beg her to lead them against reputed wrong- doers; but now many are calling on one another to prevent. a revival of Lacedaemonian supremacy Yet we need not wonder if these reproaches are 7 levelled at them, since it is manifest that they V neither their god nor the laws of Lycurgus. XV. I wish also to give an account of For this is the only ontinues - whereas robably does not correspond to *' no longer " --— On me chapter see Introduction. T 185 XENOPHON εὕροι ἄν τις μετακεκινημένας καὶ ἔτι kai νῦν μετακινουμένας. "EOn«e γὰρ θύειν μὲν βασιλέα πρὸ τῆς πόλεως δημόσια ἅπαντα, ὡς ἀπὸ θεοῦ ὄντα, καὶ ΣΡ ὧν ὅποι ἂν ἡ πόλις ἐκπέμπῃ ἡγεῖσθαι. ἔδωκε 86 καὶ “γέρα ἀπὸ τῶν θυομένων λαμβάνειν καὶ γῆν τε ἐν πολλαῖς τῶν περιοίκων πόλεων ἀπέδειξεν ἐξαίρετον τοσαύτην, ὥστε μήτ᾽ ἐνδεῖσθαι τῶν μετρίων μήτε πλούτῳ ὑπερφέρειν. ὅπως δὲ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἔξω σκηνοῖεν, σκηνὴν αὐτοῖς δημοσίαν ἀπέδειξε, καὶ διμοιρίᾳ γε ἐπὶ τῷ δείπνῳ ἐτίμησεν, οὐχ ἵνα διπλάσια καταφάγοιεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ ἀπὸ dh τιμῆσαι ἔχοιεν εἴ τινα Po στο τῷ ἔδωκε δ᾽ αὖ καὶ συσκήνους δύο ἑκατέρῳ T ελέσθαι, οἱ δὴ καὶ Πύθιοι καλοῦνται. ἔδω δὲ καὶ πασῶν τῶν συῶν ἀπὸ τόκου οἶμον λαμβάνειν, ὡς μήποτε ἀπορήσαι βασιλεὺς ἱερῶν, ἤν τι δεηθῇ θεοῖς συμβουλεύσασθαι. Καὶ πρὸς τῇ οἰκίᾳ δὲ λίμνη ὕδατος ἀφθονίαν παρέ εἰ" ὅτι δὲ καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς πολλὰ χρήσιμον, οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες αὐτὸ μᾶλλον γιγνώσκουσι. κα ἕδρας δὲ πάντες ὑπανίστανται βασιλεῖ πλὴν οὐκ ἔφοροι ἀπὸ τῶν ἐφορικῶν δίφρων. καὶ ὅρκους δὲ ἀλλήλοις κατὰ μῆνα ποιοῦνται, ἔφοροι μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, βασιλεὺς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ. ὁ δὲ ὅρκος ἐστὶ τῷ μὲν βασιλεῖ κατὰ τοὺς τῆς πόλεως κειμένους νόμους βασιλεύσειν, τῇ δὲ πόλει ἐμπεδορκοῦντος ἐκείνου ἀστυφέλικτον τὴν βασιλείαν παρέξειν. Αὗται μὲν οὖν αἱ τιμαὶ οἴκοι; ζῶντι βασιλεῖ δέδονται, οὐδέν τι πολὺ ὑπερφέρουσαι τῶν ἐδι- ! $., following Cobet, regards οἴκοι as spurious. 186 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xv. 1-8. other constitutions will be found to have undergone and still to be undergoing modifications. | . He ordained that the King shall offer all the 2 public sacrifices on behalf of the state, in virtue of his divine descent, and that, whatever may be the destination to which the state sends out an army, he shall be its leader. He also gave him the right to 3 receive certain parts of the- beasts sacrificed, and assigned to him enough choice land in many of the outlanders' cities to ensure him a reasonable com- without excessiveriches. Inorderthat even 4 the kings should mess in public, he assigned to them a publie mess tent; he also honoured them with a double portion at the meal, not that they might eat enough for two, but that they might have the wherewithal to honour anyone whom they chose. He also allowed each King to choose two mess- 5 mates, who are called Pythii. Further, he granted them to take of every litter of pigs a porker, that a King may never want victims, in case he wishes to seek counsel of the gods. A lake near the house supplies abundance of water ; 6 and how useful that is for many purposes none know so well as those who are without it. Further, all ^? rise from their seats when the King appears; only the Ephors do not rise from their official chairs. And 7 they exchange oaths monthly, the Ephors on behalf of the state, the King for himself. And this is the King's oath: **Iwill reign according to the established laws of the state." And this the oath of the state: * While you abide by your oath, we will keep the kingship unshaken." These then are the honours that are bestowed on 8 the King at home during his lifetime; and they do 1187 XENOPHON ωὠτικῶν" οὐ γὰρ ἐβουλήθη οὔτε τοῖς βασιλεῦσι τυραννικὸν φρόνημα παραστῆσαι οὔτε τοῖς πολί- 9 ταῖς φθόνον ἐμποιῆσαι τῆς δυνάμεως. ai δὲ τελευτήσαντι τιμαὶ βασιλεῖ δέδονται, τῇ δὲ βούλονται δηλοῦν οἱ Λυκούργου νόμοι, ὅτε οὐχ ὡς ἀνθρώπους, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥρωας τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεῖς προτετιμήκασιν. 1 Herodotus (vi. 58) gives details of these honours. ΤῊΘ elaborate funeral obsequies were attended by a great con- course of men and women from all parts of Laconia. A man and a woman in every family were compelled to go into υ 188 THE LACEDAEMONIANS, xv. 8-9 not greatly exceed those of private persons. For it was not the wish of Lycurgus to put into the Kings' hearts despotic pride, nor to implant in the mind of the citizens envy of their power. mourning. If a king died on foreign service his body was and brought home if possible; if not, an image of him, as in the case of Agesilaus, was buried. 189 As for the 9- x. m 1 [ "A aes 3 : ase: " verd ; WAMT "T xem "bYbodT. - a -—umT n ; Ed A Sh. m wo we mue )sytuK om , T E 2T . Xrnay "hb x UYTON4Cr Uo reti Ast sive Ed "so qo ΠΣ ὁτ L i z pb Ed 3a dg P Í " t A A: d . pU " 5 ses uÓ6 - Esc. D MEANS : : SENOQONTOZX IIOPOI L 'Eyo μὲν τοῦτο ἀεί ποτε νομίξω, ὁποῖοί τίνες ἂν οἱ προστάται Oct, τοιαύτας καὶ τὰς , , , ^ N ^ , , πολιτείας γίγνεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι προεστηκότων ἐλέγοντό τινες ὡς γιγνώσκουσι μὲν τὸ δίκαιον οὐδενὸὲ ἧττον τῶν ἄλλων ἀν- θρώπων, διὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πενίαν ᾽ , ν ?) , , ., ἀναγκάζεσθαι ἔφασαν ἀδικώτεροι εἶναι περὶ τὰς πόλεις, ἐκ τούτου ἐπεχείρησα σκοπεῖν, εἴ Try δύναιντ᾽ ἂν οἱ πολῖται διατρέφεσθαι ἐκ τῆς P» ἑαυτῶν, ὅθενπερ καὶ δικαιότατον, νομίζων, εἰ τοῦτο γένοιτο, ἅμα τῇ τε πενίᾳ αὐτῶν ἐπικεκουρῆσθαι ἂν καὶ τῷ ὑπόπτους τοῖς" Ελλησιν εἶναι. Σκοποῦντι δή μοι ἃ ἐπενόησα τοῦτο μὲν. εὐθὺς ἀνεφαίνετο, ὅτε ἡ χώρα πέφυκεν οἵα πλείστας προσόδους παρέχεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ γνωσθῇ, ὅτι ἀληθὲς τοῦτο λέγω, πρῶτον διηγήσομαι τὴν φύσιν τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. Οὐκοῦν τὸ μὲν τὰς ὥρας ἐνθάδε πραοτάτας εἶναι καὶ αὐτὰ τὰ γιγνόμενα μαρτυρεῖ" ἃ γοῦν πολλαχοῦ οὐδὲ βλαστάνειν δύναιτ᾽ ἄν, ἐνθάδε καρποφορεῖ. ὥσπερ δὲ ἡ γῆ, οὕτω καὶ ἡ περὶ τὴν χώραν θάλαττα παμφορωτάτη ἐστί. καὶ μὴν ὅσαπερ οἱ θεοὶ ἐν ταῖς ὥραις ἀγαθὰ παρέ- χουσι, καὶ ταῦτα πάντα ἐνταῦθα πρωιαίτατα μὲν ἄρχεται, ὀψιαίτατα δὲ λήγει. οὐ μόνον κρατεῖ τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν θάλλουσί τε καὶ γηράσκουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀίδια ἀγαθὰ ἔχει ἡ 192 " WAYS AND MEANS I. For my part I have always held that the con- stitution of a state reflects the character of the leading politicians.! But some of the leading men at Athens have stated that they recognize justice as clearly as other men; *but," they have said, * owing to the poverty of the masses, we are forced to be somewhat unjust in our treatment of the cities." This set me thinking whether by any means the citizens might obtain food entirely from their own soil, which would certainly be the fairest way. I felt that, were this so, they would be relieved of their poverty, and also of the suspicion with which they are regarded by the Greek world. Now as I thought over my ideas, one thing 2 seemed clear at once, that the country is by its nature capable of furnishing an ample revenue. To drive home the truth of this statement I will first describe the natural properties of Attica. The extreme mildness of the seasons here is shown 3 by the actual products. At any rate, plants that will not even grow in many countries bear fruit here. Not less productive tham the land is the sea around the coasts. Notice too that the good things which the gods send in their season all come in earlier here and go out later than elsewhere. And the pre- 4 eminence of the land is not only in the things that bloom and wither annually : she has other good things 1 See Introduction. 195 VOL. II, H -1 XENOPHON χώρα. πέφυκε μὲν γὰρ λίθος ἐν αὐτῇ ἄφθονος, ἐξ οὗ κάλλιστοι μὲν ναοί, κάλλιστοι δὲ βωμοὶ γίγνονται, εὐπρεπέστατα δὲ θεοῖς ἀγάλματα: πολλοὶ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ “ EAXXqves καὶ βάρβαροι προσδέονται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ γῆ ἣ σπειρομένη μὲν οὐ φέρει καρπόν, ὀρυττομένη δὲ πολλαπλασίους τρέφει ἢ εἰ σῖτον ἔφερε. καὶ μὴν ὑπάργυρός ἐστι σαφῶς θείᾳ μοίρᾳ' πολλῶν γοῦν πόλεων παροικουσῶν καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν εἰς οὐδεμίαν τούτων οὐδὲ μικρὰ φλὲψ ἀργυρί. τιδος διήκει. Οὐκ ἂν ἀλόγως δέ τις οἰηθείη τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος καὶ πάσης δὲ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀμφὶ τὰ μέσα οἰκεῖσθαι t τὴν. πόλιν. ὅσῳ γὰρ ἄν τινες πλεῖον ἀπέχωσιν αὐτῆς, τοσούτῳ χαλεπωτέροις ἢ ψύ- χεσιν ἢ θάλπεσιν ἐντυγχάνουσιν" ὁπόσοι T ἂν αὖ βουληθῶσιν ἀπ᾽ ἐσχάτων τῆς “Ἑλλάδος ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα ἀφικέσθαι, πάντες οὗτοι ὥσπερ κύκλου τόρνον τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἢ παραπλέουσιν i ἢ παρέρ- χονται. καὶ μὴν οὐ περίρρυτός γε οὖσα ὅμως ὥσπερ νῆσος πᾶσιν ἀνέμοις προσάγεταϊ τε ὧν δεῖται καὶ ἀποπέμπεται ἃ βούλεται' ἀμφιθά- λαττος γάρ ἐστι. καὶ κατὰ γῆν δὲ πολλὰ δέχεται, ἐμπορίᾳ" ἤπειρος γάρ ἐστιν. ἔτι δὲ ταῖς μὲν πλείσταις πόλεσι βάρβαροι προσοι- κοῦντες πράγματα παρέχουσιν' ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ γειτονεύουσιν αἱ καὶ αὐταὶ πλεῖστον ἀπέχουσι τῶν βαρβάρων. II. Τούτων μὲν οὖν ἁπάντων, ὥσπερ εἶπον, νομίξω αὐτὴν τὴν χώραν αἰτίαν εἶναι. εἰ δὲ πρὸς τοῖς αὐτοφυέσιν ἀγαθοῖς πρῶτον μὲν τῶν μετοίκων ἐπιμέλεια γένοιτο" αὕτη γὰρ ἡ πρόσοδος 194 WAYS AND MEANS, i. 4-11. 1 that ]last for ever. Nature has put in her abundance of stone, from which are fashioned lovely temples and lovely altars, and goodly statues for the gods. Many Greeks and barbarians alike have need of it. Again, there is land that yields no fruit if sown, and yet, when quarried, feeds many times the number it could support if it grew corn. And recollect, there is silver in the soil, the gift, beyond doubt, of divine providence: at any rate, many as are the states near to her by land and sea, into none of them does even a thin vein of silver ore extend. One might reasonably suppose that the city lies at the centre of Greece, nay of the whole inhabited world. For the further we go from her, the more intense is the heat or cold we meet with ; and every traveller who would cross from one to the other end of Greece passes Athens as the centre of a circle, whether he goes by water or by road. Then too, though she is not wholly sea-girt, all the winds of heaven bring to her the goods she needs and bear away her exports, asif she were an island ; for she lies between two seas: and she has a vast land trade as well; for she is of the mainland. Further, on the borders of most states dwell barbarians who trouble them: but the neighbouring states of Athens are themselves remote from the barbarians. II. All these advantages, as I have said, are, I believe, due to the country itself. But instead of limiting ourselves to the blessings that may be called indigenous, suppose that, in the first place, we studied the interests of the resident aliens. For in them we ! οἰκεῖσθαι papyrus fragment: ὠκῆσθαι MSS. : φκίσθαι S., Dindorf. 3. ἐμπορίᾳ Schanz with M : ἐμπόρια S. : ἐμπορεῖα AC. 195 5 e e rS XENOPHON τῶν καλλίστων ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἐπείπερ αὑτοὺς τρέφοντες καὶ πολλὰ ὠφελοῦντες τὰς πόλεις οὐ λαμβάνουσι μισθόν, ἀλλὰ μετοίκιον προσφέρουσιν' ἐπιμέλειά γε μὴν ἥδ᾽ ἂν ἀρκεῖν μοι δοκεῖ, εἰ ἀφέλοιμεν μὲν ὅσα μηδὲν ὠφελοῦντα τὴν πόλιν ἀτιμίας TL δοκεῖ τοῖς μετοίκοις παρέ- χειν, ἀφέλοιμεν δὲ καὶ τὸ συστρατεύεσθαι ὁπλίτας μετοίκους τοῖς ἀστοῖς. μέγας μὲν γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος αὐτῶν, μέγα δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν τεχνῶν καὶ τῶν οἰκείων 5 ἀπιέναι. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἡ πόλις γ᾽ ἂν ὠφεληθείη, εἰ οἱ πολῖται μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων στρατεύ- o,vTO μᾶνλον ἢ εἰ συντάττοιντο. αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ νῦν, Λυδοὶ καὶ Φρύγες καὶ Σύροι καὶ ἄλλοι παντοδαποὶ βάρβαροι" πολλοὶ vá) τοιοῦτοι τῶν μετοίκων. πρὸς δὲ τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῷ τούτους τοῦ ὃ συντάττεσθαι ἀφεθῆναι καὶ κόσμος ἂν τῇ πόλει εἴη, εἰ δοκοῖεν ᾿Αθηναῖοι εἰς τὰς μάχας αὑτοῖς μᾶλλον πιστεύειν ἢ ἀλλοδαποῖς. Καὶ μεταδιδόντες δ᾽ ἄν μοι δοκοῦμεν τοῖς μετοίκοις τῶν τ᾽ ἄλλων ὧν καλὸν μεταδιδόναι καὶ τοῦ ἱππικοῦ εὐνουστέρους ἂν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ ἅμα ἰσχυροτέραν ἂν καὶ μείζω τὴν πόλιν ἀποδεικνύναι. Eira ἐπειδὴ καὶ πολλὰ οἰκιῶν ἔρημά ἐστιν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν," καὶ οἰκόπεδα εἰ ἡ πόλις διδοίη οἰκοδομησαμένοις ἐγκεκτῆσθαι οἱ ἂν αἰτούμενοι 1 7, added by Weiske : S. omits with the MSS. ? οἰκείων Dindorf: οἰκιῶν S. with the MSS. 8 ro) Schneider: ἐκ τοῦ S. with the MS5. 4 Punctuation as corrected by Brinkmann. $S. has the comma after οἰκόπεδα. i 1 The MSS. have τῶν τέκνων, ** their children." 196 WAYS AND MEANS, i. 1-6 have one of the very best sources of revenue, in my opinion, inasmuch as they are self-supporting and, so far from receiving payment for the many services they render to states, they contribute by paying a special tax. 1 think that we should study their 2 interests sufficiently, if we relieved them of the duties that seem to impose- a certain measure of disability on the resident alien without conferring any benefit on the state, and also of the obligation to serve in the infantry along with the citizens. Apart from the personal risk, it is no small thing to leave their trades! and their private affairs.? The state itself too would gain if the citizens served 3 in the ranks together, and no longer found themselves in the same company with Lydians, Phrygians, Syrians, and barbarians of all sorts, of whom a large part of our alien population consists. In addition to 4 the advantage of dispensing with the services of these men, it would be an ornament to the state that the Athenians should be thought to rely on- themselves. rather than on the help of foreigners in fighting their battles. If, moreover, we granted the resident aliens the 5 right to serve in the cavalry and various other privileges which it is proper to grant them, I think that we should find their loyalty increase and at the same time should add to the strength and greatness of the state. Then again, since there are many vacant sites for 6 houses within the walls, if the state allowed ap- proved applicants. to erect houses on these and 3 τῶν elisuo, * their houses," may possibly be right in spite of what is said below ifi ὃ 6. " 197 XENOPHON ἄξιοι δοκῶσιν εἶναι, πολὺ àv οἴομαι kai διὰ cabra πλείους τε καὶ βελτίους ὀρέγεσθαι τῆς ᾿Αθήνησιν οἰκησεως. Καὶ εἰ μετοικοφύλακάς γε ὥσπερ ὀρφανοφύ- λακας ἀρχὴν καθισταῖμεν καὶ τούτοις τιμή τις ἐπείη, οἵτινες πλείστους ! μετοίκους ἀποδείξειαν, καὶ τοῦτο εὐνουστέρους ἂν τοὺς μετοίκους ποιοίη καί, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, πάντες ἄν οἱ ἀπόλιδες τῆς ᾿Αθήνηθεν μετοικίας ὀρέγοιντο καὶ τὰς προσόδους ἂν αὔξοιεν, III. “Ὡς γε μὴν καὶ ἐμπορεύεσθαι ἡδίστη τε καὶ κερδαλεωτάτη ἡ πόλις, νῦν ταῦτα λέξω... Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ δήπου ναυσὶ καλλίστας καὶ ἀσφαλεστάτας ὑποδοχὰς ἔχει, ὅπου γ᾽ ἔστιν εἰσορμισθέντας ἀδεῶς " ἕνεκα χειμῶνος ἀναπαύε- σθαι. ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῖς ἐμπόροις ἐν μὲν ταῖς πλείσταις τῶν πόλεων ἀντιφορτίζεσθαί τι ἀνάγκη" νομίσμασι γὰρ οὐ χρησίμοις ἔξω χρῶνται: ἐν δὲ ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις πλεῖστα μὲν ἔστιν ἀντεξάγειν ὧν ἂν δέωνται ἄνθρωποι, ἢν δὲ μὴ βούλωνται ἀντιφορτίζεσθαι, καὶ ὃ ἀργύ- ριον ἐξάγοντες καλὴν ἐμπορίαν ἐξάγουσιν. ὅπου yàp àv πωλῶσιν QUTO, πανταχοῦ πλεῖον τοῦ ἀρχαίου λαμβάνουσιν. Ei δὲ καὶ τῇ τοῦ ἐμπορίου ἀρχῇ ἄθλα προτιθείη τις, ὅστις δικαιότατα καὶ τάχιστα διαιροίη τὰ ἀμφίλογα, ὡς μὴ ἀποκωλύεσθαι ἀποπλεῖν τὸν βουλόμενον, πολὺ ἂν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα πλείους τε καὶ ἥδιον ἐμπορεύοιντο. 1 πλείστους Cobet : πλείους S. with the MSS. ? ἀδεῶς Cobet: ἡδέως S. with the MSS. 3 καὶ Deventer: kal οἱ S. with the MSS. 198 WAYS AND MEANS, ri. 6-11. 4 granted them the freehold of the land, I think that we should find a larger and better class of persons desiring to live at Athens. . And if we appointed a board of Guardians of 7 Aliens analogous to the Guardians of Orphans, and some kind of distinction were earmarked for ians whose list of resident aliens was longest, that too would add to the loyalty of the aliens, and probably all without a city would covet the right of settling in Athens, and would increase our revenues. ΠῚ. I shall now say something of the unrivalled amenities and advantages of our city as a commercial centre. In the first place, I presume, she possesses the finest and safest accommodation for shipping, since vessels can anchor here and ride safe at their moorings in spite of bad weather. Moreover, δ 2 1 most other ports merchants are compelled to ship a ; return cargo, because the local currency has no cireulation in other states ; but at Athens they have the opportunity of exchanging their cargo and exporting ve many classes of goods that are in demand, or, if they do not want to ship a return cargo of goods, it is sound business to export silver; for, wherever they sell it, they are sure to make a profit on the capital invested. lf prizes were offered to the magistrates of the 3 market! for just and prompt settlement of disputes, so that sailings were not delayed, the effect would be that a far larger number of merchants would trade with us and with much greater satisfaction. 1 The market at the Peiraeus. The functions of the Board alluded to are unknown. apart from what is implied in the text. 199 -J XENOPHON | ἀγαθὸν δὲ καὶ καλὸν καὶ προεδρίαις τιμᾶσθαι ἐμπόρους καὶ ναυκλήρους καὶ ἐπὶ ξένιά γ᾽ ἔστιν ὅτε καλεῖσθαι, ot ἂν δοκῶσιν ἀξιολόγοις καὶ πλοίοις καὶ ἐμπορεύμασιν ἀφελεῖν τὴν πόλιν. ταῦτα γὰρ τιμώμενοι, οὐ μόνον τοῦ κέρδους ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς τιμῆς ἕνεκεν ὡς πρὸς Φίλους ἐπισπεύδοιεν ἄν. Ὅσῳ γε μὴν πλείονες εἰσοικίξοιντό τε καὶ ἀφικνοῖντο, δῆλον ὅτι τοσούτῳ ἂν πλεῖον καὶ εἰσάγοιτο καὶ ἐκπέμποιτο καὶ πωλοῖτο καὶ μισθοφοροῖτο καὶ τελεσφοροίη. | Εἰς μὲν οὖν τὰς τοιαύτας αὐξήσεις τῶν προσόδων οὐδὲ προδαπανῆσαι ὃ δεῖ οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ψηφίσματά τε φιλάνθρωπα καὶ ἐπιμελείας ὅσαι δ᾽ ἂν ἄλλαι δοκοῦσί μοι πρόσοδοι γίγνε- σθαι, γιγνώσκω ὅτι ἀφορμῆς δεήσει εἰς αὐτάς. οὐ μέντοι δύσελπίς εἰμι τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ προθύμως ἂν τοὺς πολίτας εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα εἰσφέρειν, ἐνθυμούμενος, ὡς πολλὰ “μὲν εἰσήνεγκεν ἡ πόλις, ὅτε ᾿Αρκάσιν ἐβοήθει ἐπὶ ᾿Αὐσιστράτου ἡγου- μένου, πολλὰ δὲ ἐπὶ ᾿Ἡγησίλεω. ἐπίσταμαι δὲ καὶ τριήρεις πολλάκις ἐκπεμπομένας σὺν πολλῇ δαπάνῃ " τούτου μὲν ἀδήλου ὄντος, εἴτε βέλτιον εἴτε κάκιον ἔσται, ἐκείνου δὲ δήλου, ὅτι οὐδέποτε ἀπολήψονται ἃ ἂν εἰσενέγκωσιν. οὐδὲ μεθέξουσιν ὧν ἂν εἰσενέγκωσι. κτῆσιν δὲ à ἀπ᾽ ' οὐδενὸς ἂν οὕτω καλὴν κτήσαιντο ὥσπερ ἀφ᾽ οὗ ἂν προτελέσωσιν εἰς τὴν ἀφορμήν" ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἂν δέκα μναῖ εἰσφορὰ 1 προδαπανῇσαι inferior MSS.: προσδαπανῆσαι S. with A: δαπανῆσαι M. ? S. adds καὶ ταύτας γενομένας with the MSS. Schneider conjectures kal ταῦτα γενόμενα : Bake κατεσκευασμένας. 200 WAYS AND MEANS, ur. 4-9 It would also be an excellent plan to reserve front 4 seats in the theatre for merchants and shipowners, and to offer them hospitality occasionally, when the high quality of their ships and merchandise entitles them to be considered benefactors of the state. With the prospect of these honours before them they would look on us as friends and hasten to visit us to win the honour as well as the profit. The rise in the number οὗ residents and visitors 5 would of course lead to a corresponding expansion of our imports and exports, of sales, rents and customs. Now such additions to our revenues as these need 6 cost us nothing whatever beyond benevolent legisla- tion and measures of control Other methods of raising revenue that 1 have in mind will require capital, no doubt. Nevertheless I venture to hope 7 that the citizens would contribute eagerly towards such objects, when I recall the large sums con- tributed by the state when Lysistratus was in com- mand and troops were sent to aid the Arcadians,! and again in the time of Hegesileos.* 1 am also 8 aware that large expenditure is frequently incurred to send warships abroad, though none can tell whether the venture will be for better or worse, and the only thing certain is that the subscribers will never see their money back nor even enjoy any part of what they contribute. But no investment 9 can yield them so fine a return as the money advanced by them to form the capital fund. For every Subscriber of ten minae, drawing three obols a day, 1 366 B.c. ? $61 s.c. Hegesileos commanded at the battle of Mantinea. 20r 10 11 12 13 14 XENOPHON γένηται, ὥσπερ ναυτικὸν σχεδὸν durirejéif eo αὐτῷ γίγνεται, τριώβολον τῆς ἡμέρας λαμβά- νοντι" ᾧ δέ y ἂν πέντε μναῖ, πλεῖον ἢ ἐπίτριτον. οἱ δέ γε πλεῖστοι ᾿Αθηναίων πλείονα λήψονται κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἢ ὅσα ἂν εἰσενέγκωσιν. οἱ γὰρ μνᾶν προτελέσαντες ἐγγὺς δυοῖν μναῖν mpóc δον ἕξουσι, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν πόλει, ὃ δοκεῖ τῶν ἀνθρω- πίνων ἀσφαλέστατόν τε καὶ πολυχρονιώτατον εἶναι. Οἶμαι δὲ ἔ ἔγωγε, εἰ μέλλοιεν ἀναγραφήσεσθαι εὐεργέται εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον, καὶ ξένους à ἂν πολλοὺς εἰσενεγκεῖν, ἔστι δὲ ἃς ἂν καὶ πόλεις τῆς ἀναγραφῆς ὀρεγομένας. ἐλπίζω δὲ καὶ βασιλέας ἄν τινας καὶ τυράννους καὶ σατράπας ἐπιθυμῆσαι μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς χάριτος. Ὁπότε ye μὴν ἀφορμὴ ὑπάρχοι, καλὸν μὲι καὶ ἀγαθὸν ναυκλήροις οἰκοδομεῖν καταγώγια περὶ λιμένας πρὸς τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι, καλὸν δὲ καὶ ἐμπόροις προσήκοντας τόπους ἐπὶ; ὠνῇ τε καὶ πράσει καὶ τοῖς εἰσαφικνουμένοις δὲ δημόσια καταγώγια. εἰ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀγοραίοις οἰκήσεις τε καὶ πωλητήρια κατασκευασθείη καὶ ἐν Πει- ραιεῖ καὶ ἐν τῷ ἄστει, ἅμα T ἂν κόσμος εἴη τῇ πόλει καὶ πολλαὶ ἂν ἀπὸ τούτων πρόσοδοι γίγνοιντο. ᾿Αγαθὸν δέ μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι, πειραθῆναι, εἰ καὶ ὥσπερ τριήρεις δημοσίας ἡ πόλις κέκτηται, οὕτω καὶ ὁλκάδας δημοσίας δυνατὸν à ἂν γένοιτο κτήσασθαι καὶ ταύτας ἐκμισθοῦν ἐπ᾽ ἐγγυητῶν ὥσπερ καὶ τἄλλα δημόσια. εἰ γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο |o προσήκοντας τόπους ἐπὶ Bergk: ἐπὶ προσήκοντας τόπους S. with the MSS. 202 WAYS AND MEANS, ri. 9-14 gets nearly twenty per cent.—as much as he would get on bottomry ; ! and every subscriber of five minae gets more than a third of his capital back in interest. But most of the Athenians will get over a hundred per cent. in a year, for those who advance one mina will draw an income of nearly two minae, guaranteed by the state, which is to all appear- ances the safest and most durable of human institutions. I think, too, that if their names were to be recorded in the roll of benefactors for all time, many foreigners also would subscribe, and a certain number of states would beattracted by the prospect of enrolment. I believe that even kings and despots and oriental governors would desire to share in this reward. When funds were sufficient, it would be a fine plan to build more lodging-houses for shipowners near the harbours, and convenient places of exchange for merchants, also hotels to accommodate visitors. Again, if houses and shops were put up both in the Peiraeus and in the city for retail traders, they would be an ornament to the state, and at the same time the source of a considerable revenue. Moreover, I think it would be a good plan to take a hint from the state ownership of public war- ships, and to see whether it be possible to acquire a fleet of publie merchant vessels and to lease them under securities, like our other publie property. 1 3 obo/s a day are to be paid b Y the state to every citizen, i. e. 180 drachmae ἃ year, or nearly 2 minae, which is nearly 20 per cent. on 10 minae, and exactly 36 per cent. on half that sum. 203 XENOPHON οἷόν τε ὃν φανείη, πολλὴ ἂν καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων πρόσοδος γίγνοιτο. IV. Τά γε μὴν ἀργύρεια εἰ κατασκενασθείη ὡς δεῖ, πάμπολλα ἂν νομίζω χρήματα ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων προσόδων προσιέναι. βού- λομαι δὲ καὶ τοῖς μὴ εἰδόσι τὴν τούτων δύναμιν δηλῶσαι: ταύτην γὰρ γνόντες καὶ ὅπως χρῆσθαι δεῖ αὐτοῖς ἄμεινον ἂν βουλεύοισθε. Οὐκοῦν ὅτι μὲν πάνυ παλαιὰ ἐνεργά ἐστι, πᾶσι σαφές" οὐδεὶς γοῦν οὐδὲ πειρᾶται λέγειν, ἀπὸ ποίου χρόνου ἐπεχειρήθη. οὕτω δὲ πάλαι ὀρυττομένης τε καὶ ἐκφορουμένης τῆς ἀργυρίτιδος ; κατανοήσατε, τί μέρος οἱ ἐκβεβχημένοι. σωροὶ τῶν αὐτοφυῶν τε καὶ ὑπαργύρων λόφων. οὐδὲ μὴν ὁ ἀργυρώδης τόπος εἰς “μεῖόν τι συστελλό- μενος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐκτεινόμενος φανερός ἐστιν. Ἔν ᾧ γε μὴν χρόνῳ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἄνθρωποι ἐγένοντο ἐν αὐτοῖς, οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἔργου ἠἡπό- ρησέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ τὰ ἔργα τῶν ἐργαζομένων περιῆν. καὶ νῦν δὲ οἱ κεκτημένοι ἐν τοῖς μετάλλοις ἀνδράποδα οὐδεὶς τοῦ πλήθους ἀφαιρεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ προσκτᾶται ὁπόσα ἂν πλεῖστα δύνηται. καὶ γὰρ δὴ ὅταν μὲν ὀλίγοι ὀρύττωσι͵ καὶ ζητῶσιν, ὀλίγα οἶμαι καὶ τὰ χρήματα εὑρίσκεται" ὅταν δὲ πολλοί, πολλαπλασία ἡ ἀργυρῖτις ἀναφαί- νεται. ὥστε ἐν μόνῳ τούτῳ ὧν ἐγὼ οἶδα ἔ ἔργων οὐδὲ φθονεῖ οὐδεὶς τοῖς ἐπικατασκεναζομένοις. . "Er. δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀγροὺς κεκτημένοι πάντες 1 ἐπικατασκευαζομένοις Cobet; ἐπισκευαζομένοις S, with the MSS. 204 WAYS AND MEANS, m. 14-1v. 5 For if this proved to be practicable, these vessels would yield another large revenue. IV. As for the silver mines, I believe that if a proper system of working were introduced, a vast amount of money would be obtained from them apart from our other sources of revenue. I want to point out the possibilities of these mines to those who do not know. For, once you realize their possi- bilities, you will be in a better position to consider how the mines should be managed. Now, we all agree that the mines have been 2 worked for many generations. At any rate, no one even attempts to date the beginning of mining operations. And yet, although digging and the removal of the silver ore have been carried on for so long a time, note how small is the size of the dumps compared with the virgin and silver-laden hills; And it is continually being found that, so 3 far from shrinking, the silver-yielding area extends further and further. Well, so long as the maximum number of workmen was employed in them, no one ever wanted a job ; in fact, there were always more jobs than the labourers eould deal with. And even at the present day no 4 owner of slaves employed in the mines reduces the number of his men ; on the contrary, every master obtains as many more as he can. The fact is, I imagine, that when there are few diggers and searchers, the amount of metal recovered is small, and when there are many, the total of ore dis- covered is multiplied. Hence of all the industries with which 1 am acquainted this is the only óne in which expansion of business excites no jealousy.: Further than this, every farmer can tell just how 5 205 XENOPHON ἔχοιεν ἂν εἰπεῖν, ὁπόσα ξεύγη à ἀρκεῖ εἰς τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὁπόσοι ἐργάται". ἢν δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖον τῶν ἱκανῶν ἐμβάλλῃ τις, ζημίαν i τὰ ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀργυρείοις ἔργοις πάντες δή φασιν ἐνδεῖσθαι 6 ἐργατῶν. καὶ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ὥσπερ ὅταν πολλοὶ χαλκοτύποι γένωνται, ἀξίων γενομένων τῶν χαλκευτικῶν ἔργων, καταλύονται οἱ χαλκοτύ- ποι, καὶ οἱ σιδηρεῖς “γε ὡσαύτως" καὶ ὅταν γε πολὺς σῖτος καὶ οἶνος γένηται, ἀξίων ! ὄντων τῶν καρπῶν, ἀλυσιτελεῖς αἱ γεωργίαι γίγνονται, ὥστε πολλοὶ ἀφιέμενοι τοῦ τὴν γῆν ἐργάξεσθαι vit , ἐπ ἐμπορίας καὶ καπηλείας, καὶ τοκισμοὺς τρέπονται" ἀργυρῖτις δὲ ὅσῳ ἂν πλείων φαί- νηται καὶ ἀργύριον πλεῖον γίγνηται, τοσούτῳ πλείονες ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἔρχονται. καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἔπιπλα μέν, ἐπειδὰν ἱ ἱκανά τις κτήσηται τῇ οἰκίᾳ, οὐ μάλα ἔτι προσωνοῦνται" ἀργύριον δὲ οὐδείς πω οὕτω πολὺ ἐκτήσατο, ὥστε μὴ ἔτι προσδεῖσθαι" ἀλλ᾽ ἤν τισι γένηται. παμπληθές, τὸ περιττεῦον κατορύττοντες οὐδὲν ἧττον ἥδονται ἢ χρώμενοι αὐτῷ. Καὶ μὴν ὅταν γε εὖ πράττωσιν αἱ πόλεις, ἰσχυρῶς οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἀργυρίου δέονται. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄνδρες ἀμφὶ ὅπλα τε καλὰ καὶ ἵππους ἀγαθοὺς καὶ οἰκίας καὶ κατασκευὰς μεγαλοπρε- πεῖς βούλονται δαπανᾶν, αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες εἰς ἐσθῆτα πολυτελῆ καὶ χρυσοῦν κόσμον τρέπονται. 9 ὅταν τε αὖ νοσήσωσι πόλεις ἢ ἀφορίαις καρπῶν ἢ πολέμῳ, ἔτι καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἀργοῦ τῆς γῆς γιγνομένης καὶ εἰς ἐπιτήδεια καὶ εἰς ἐπικούρους νομίσματος δέονται. 10 — E δέ τις φήσειε καὶ χρυσίον μηδὲν ἧττον χρήσι- 206 -J oo WAYS AND MEANS, iv. 5-10 many yoke of oxen are enough for the farm and how many labourers. To put more on the land than the requisite number is counted loss In mining undertakings, on the contrary, everyone tells you that he is short of labour. Mining, in fact, is quite 6 different from other industries. An increase in the number of coppersmiths, for example, produces a fall in the price of copper work, and the coppersmiths re- tire from business, — The same thing happens in the irontrade. Again, when corn and wine are abundant, ^ the erops are cheap, and the profit derived from growing themdisappears, so thatmany give up farming ἡ and set up as merchants or shopkeepers or money- | lenders. But an increase in the amount of the silver ore discovered and of the metal won is accompanied by an inerease in the number of persons who take up this industry. Neither is silver like furniture, of 7 which a man never <